AISA യ്ക്ക് JNU ല്‍ ഗംഭീര വിജയം

  AISA യ്ക്ക്  JNU ല്‍ ഗംഭീര വിജയം
  നാല് വര്‍ഷത്തെ ഇടവേളയ്ക്കു ശേഷം 2012 മാര്ച്  ഒന്നിന്  ആള്‍ ഇന്ത്യാ സ്റ്റൂടെന്റ്സ്‌ അസ്സോസ്സിയേഷന്‍ - ഐസ (AISA)  ഡല്‍ഹിയിലെ  ജവഹര്‍ലാല്‍ നെഹ്‌റു സര്‍വകലാശാല യൂണിയന്‍ ഭരണ സാരഥ്യത്തിലേക്ക്  ഗംഭീരമായ  ഒരു തിരിച്ചു വരവ് നടത്തി. പുരോഗമന -വിപ്ലവ  രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തിന്റെ കൊടി ധീരമായി ഉയര്‍ത്തിപ്പിടിച്ച്‌ കാമ്പസ്സുകളില്‍  ഗൌരവമായ അവകാശപ്പോരാട്ടങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്  നേതൃത്വം നല്‍കിവരുന്ന  ഏക  വിദ്യാര്‍ഥി പ്രസ്ഥാനം എന്ന നിലയില്‍   AISA യ്ക്ക് വ്യാപകമായി അംഗീകാരം ലഭിക്കുന്നത് തുടര്‍ച്ചയായി ഇത് രണ്ടാം തവണ ആണ്. തൊട്ടു മുന്‍പ് 2008 ഇല്‍ നടന്ന തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിലെപ്പോലെ കേന്ദ്ര പാനലില്‍ പൂര്‍ണ്ണമായും ആധിപത്യം പുലര്ത്തിയത്തിനു പുറമേ AISA തൊട്ടടുത്ത എതിരാളിയായ വിദ്യാര്‍ഥി മുന്നണിയെ ( എസ എഫ് ഐ-എ ഐ എസ എഫ് ഉള്‍പ്പെട്ട  കൂട്ടുകെട്ട് ) ഭൂരിപക്ഷത്തില്‍ ബഹുദൂരം പിന്നില്‍  ആക്കുകയും, ആദ്യമായി കൌണ്‍സിലില്‍ വ്യക്തമായ ഭൂരിപക്ഷം നേടുകയും ചെയ്തു .എണ്ണത്തില്‍ ബഹുഭൂരിഭാഗം വിദ്യാര്‍ഥികളെയും  പ്രതിനിധീകരിക്കുന്ന മൂന്ന് സെന്ററുകളില്‍  വിജയിച്ചത് AISA ആണ്.
ഇടതു പക്ഷ വിദ്യാര്‍ഥി പ്രസ്ഥാനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ എക്കാലത്തും ശക്തമായ വേരോട്ടം ഉണ്ടായിരുന്ന ഒരു സര്‍വകലാശാലയായ  ജെ എന്‍ യു വില്‍ കഴിഞ്ഞ രണ്ടു ദശാബ്ദങ്ങള്‍ ആയി AISA സജീവമായ ഒരു സാന്നിധ്യം ആയിരുന്നു. 1970 കളിലും '80 കളിലും എസ് എഫ് ഐ - എ ഐ എസ് എഫ്  മുന്നണിക്ക്‌ ആധിപത്യം ഉണ്ടായിരുന്ന ജെ എന്‍ യു വില്‍ '93 മുതല്‍ രംഗത്ത് വന്ന AISA വിദ്യാര്‍ഥി സമൂഹത്തെ പൊതുവായി  ബാധിക്കുന്ന ഓരോ പ്രധാന പ്രശ്നത്തിലും ശരിയായ ദിശാബോധത്തോടെ ഇടപെട്ട് സമരങ്ങള്‍  നടത്തിയതോടൊപ്പം, കൃത്യമായ രാഷ്ട്രീയ- പ്രത്യയശാസ്ത്ര  ധാരണകള്‍ രാജ്യത്തിലെ വിദ്യാര്‍ഥികള്‍ ക്കിടയില്‍  വികസിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിനു വേണ്ടിയുള്ള സംഘടനാ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനങ്ങളും ചിട്ടയോടെ മുന്നോട്ട് നയിച്ചിരുന്നു. രാജ്യത്തിലെ ഉന്നത  വിദ്യാഭ്യാസത്തെ നിയോ ലിബറല്‍ സാമ്പത്തിക ക്രമം കച്ചവടത്തിന്റെ യും സാമൂഹ്യ നീതി നിഷേധത്തിന്റെയും ഒരു  മേഖലയാക്കിയതിന്നെതിരെ ഉണര്‍ന്നു പ്രവര്‍ത്തിക്കാന്‍ ഒരു പുതിയ ദിശാബോധം നല്കാനം   വിപ്ലവകരമായ പുതിയ വിദ്യാര്‍ഥി മുന്നേറ്റങ്ങളുടെ നേതൃത്വം ഏറ്റെടുക്കാനും അത് മൂലം  AISA യ്ക്ക് രണ്ടു ദാശാബ്ദങ്ങള്‍ക്കിടയില്‍ പ്രാപ്തി  കൈവന്നു.

ഉന്നത വിദ്യാഭ്യാസ മേഖലയില്‍ നിലനിന്നിരുന്ന  വരേണ്യ പക്ഷാതപരം  ആയ സമീപനങ്ങള്‍ക്കെതിരെ വിട്ടു വീഴ്ചയില്ലാത്ത പോരാട്ടം നയിച്ച്‌ പോരുന്ന ഒരു വിദ്യാര്‍ഥി പ്രസ്ഥാനം  എന്ന നിലയില്‍ ഒരു  വശത്തും , നിയോ ലിബറല്‍ ക്രമം  വിദ്യാര്‍ഥികളില്‍ അടിച്ചേല്‍പ്പിക്കാന്‍ ശ്രമിക്കുന്ന ജനാധിപത്യ  വിരുദ്ധവും അമിതാധികാര പരവും ആയ നയങ്ങളെ എതിര്‍ക്കുന്ന പുരോഗമന സംഘടന എന്ന നിലയില്‍ മറു വശത്തും  അംഗീകാരം നേടിയ  AISA യുടെ  നേതൃത്വത്തില്‍  ജനാധിപത്യ പുരോഗമന  ശക്തികളുടെ  ഐക്യം കാമ്പസ്സില്‍ ഉയര്‍ന്നു വന്നതോടെ മേല്‍ സൂചിപ്പിച്ച  ദുഷ് പ്രവണതകളെ പ്രതിനിധാനം ചെയ്യുന്ന വലതു പക്ഷ - ബൂര്‍ഷ്വാ പാര്‍ട്ടികളുടെ വിദ്യാര്‍ഥി വിഭാഗങ്ങളായ ABVP , NSU I , സംവരണ വിരുദ്ധരുടെ വേദി യായ 'യൂത്ത് ഫോര്‍ ഇക്വാലിറ്റി' എന്നിവയ്ക്ക്  ക്യാമ്പസ്സില്‍ മുന്‍പ് പലപ്പോഴും ഉണ്ടായിരുന്ന സ്വാധീനം ഗണ്യമായി കുറയ്ക്കാനും   അത് വഴി തെളിച്ചു.
   

CPIML Lib Kerala: ഇന്ത്യന്‍ മാധ്യമങ്ങളുടെ തൊഴില്‍പരമായ നൈതികത 2011ല്...

CPIML Lib Kerala: ഇന്ത്യന്‍ മാധ്യമങ്ങളുടെ തൊഴില്‍പരമായ നൈതികത 2011ല്...: ഇന്ത്യന്‍ മാധ്യമങ്ങളുടെ തൊഴില്‍പരമായ നൈതികത 2011ല്‍   (TheHoot.org ല്‍ പ്രസിദ്ധീകൃതമായ ഒരു റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ടില്‍ നിന്ന്) ഭീകരപ്ര...

ഇന്ത്യന്‍ മാധ്യമങ്ങളുടെ തൊഴില്‍പരമായ നൈതികത 2011ല്‍

ഇന്ത്യന്‍ മാധ്യമങ്ങളുടെ തൊഴില്‍പരമായ നൈതികത 2011ല്‍ 

(TheHoot.org ല്‍ പ്രസിദ്ധീകൃതമായ ഒരു റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ടില്‍ നിന്ന്)

ഭീകരപ്രവര്‍ത്തനം റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ട് ചെയ്യല്‍
2006ല്‍ നടന്ന മാലേഗാവ് സ്‌ഫോടനക്കേസില്‍ അറസ്റ്റ് ചെയ്യപ്പെട്ടിരുന്ന ഏഴ് മുസ്ലിം തടവുകാര്‍ക്ക് 2011 നവംബര്‍ 16ന് ജാമ്യം ലഭിച്ചു. മാധ്യമങ്ങള്‍ അത് ആഘോഷപൂര്‍വം റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ട് ചെയ്യുകയും വിജയഭാവത്തില്‍ പുഞ്ചിരിച്ച് പോസ് ചെയ്യാന്‍ പ്രതികളോട് ഫോട്ടോഗ്രാഫര്‍മാര്‍ ആവശ്യപ്പെടുകയും ചെയ്തു. എന്നാല്‍ ഇതേ മാധ്യമങ്ങള്‍ മഹാരാഷ്ട്ര ഭീകരവിരുദ്ധ സ്‌ക്വാഡ് (എ.ടി.എസ്) നടത്തിയ അവകാശവാദങ്ങള്‍ ഉദ്ധരിച്ച്  പ്രസ്തുത പ്രതികള്‍ മാലേഗാവില്‍ ബോംബ് വെച്ച് മുസ്ലിം സമുദായത്തില്‍പെട്ട 33 പേരെ കൊന്നവരാണെന്ന് റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ട് ചെയ്തു. അതേ സമയം അവരെല്ലാം നിരപരാധികളാണെന്ന മാലേഗാവിലെ മുസ്ലിങ്ങളുടെ വാദം അച്ചടിക്കാന്‍ ചെറിയ ഇടം പോലും നല്‍കിയില്ല. പ്രതികള്‍ ജാമ്യത്തിലിറങ്ങിയ സമയത്ത് മലേഗാവിലെ മുസ്ലിം സമുദായനേതാക്കളെയും അവരുടെ അഭിഭാഷകരെയും അഭിമുഖങ്ങള്‍ നടത്താന്‍ മത്സരിക്കുകയായിരുന്നു മാധ്യമങ്ങള്‍. ഈ സമയത്ത് സാന്നിദ്ധ്യമേയില്ലാതിരുന്ന എ.ടി.എസിന്റെ ഭാഷ്യം എങ്ങിനെ ഏകപക്ഷീയമായി മാധ്യമങ്ങളില്‍ നിറഞ്ഞുനിന്നു? മാധ്യമപ്രവര്‍ത്തകരോട് ആരും ചോദിച്ചില്ലെന്നു മാത്രമല്ല, അതിന് വിശദീകരണം ആവശ്യമാണെന്ന് മാധ്യമങ്ങള്‍ കരുതിയതുമില്ല.
'പേര് പറഞ്ഞ്' മുദ്രചാര്‍ത്തല്‍
കഴിഞ്ഞ സെപ്റ്റംബറില്‍ ഡല്‍ഹി ഹൈക്കോടതി പരിസരത്തുണ്ടായ സ്‌ഫോടനത്തെക്കുറിച്ച് ദേശീയഅന്വേഷണ ഏജന്‍സി അധികൃതര്‍ നല്‍കിയ ഭാഷ്യങ്ങള്‍ അടിസ്ഥാനമാക്കി ഊഹാപോഹങ്ങള്‍ പ്രചരിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിന് മാധ്യമങ്ങള്‍ മുന്‍പന്തിയില്‍ നിന്നു. സംഭവത്തെക്കുറിച്ച് ഏതെങ്കിലും രീതിയിലുള്ള തുമ്പ് ലഭിക്കുന്നതിന് മുമ്പുതന്നെ പത്രങ്ങള്‍, ഏതാനും വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥികളെ പേരെടുത്ത് പറഞ്ഞ് സംശയിക്കപ്പെടുന്നവരുടെ പട്ടികയില്‍ പെടുത്തി. ഷരീഖ് ഭട്ട് എന്ന വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥിയെ തെറ്റായി അറസ്റ്റ് ചെയ്യപ്പെട്ട ശേഷം വിട്ടയച്ചിരുന്നു. എന്നാല്‍ മാധ്യമങ്ങള്‍ അയാളുടെ പേര് ചേര്‍ത്ത് വാര്‍ത്ത അതിനോടകം പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചിരുന്നു. കിസ്ത്വാറിലെ ഹയര്‍സെക്കന്ററി സ്‌കൂള്‍ ആയ ഇസ്ലാമിയ ഫരീദിയയില്‍ പതിനൊന്നാം ക്ലാസില്‍ പഠിക്കുന്ന ഷരിഖ് ഭട്ടിനെ മാധ്യമങ്ങള്‍ അങ്ങിനെ ഒരു തീവ്രവാദിയാക്കുകയായിരുന്നു.
നവംബര്‍ 1-ാം തീയതി എന്‍.ഐ.എ. നല്‍കിയ വിവരണങ്ങള്‍ ഇന്ത്യന്‍ എക്‌സ്പ്രസ് പത്രം വിശദമായി റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ട് ചെയ്തു. എന്നാല്‍ അതേ ലേഖനത്തില്‍ തന്നെ എന്‍.ഐ.എയുടെ നിഗമനത്തിലെ യുക്തിരാഹിത്യം എടുത്തുകാട്ടിയിട്ടും, കേസില്‍ മൂന്നാം പ്രതിയാക്കപ്പെട്ട യുവാവ് ബോംബാക്രമണം ആസൂത്രണം ചെയ്ത വിധവും അയാളെക്കുറിച്ചുള്ള വ്യക്തിപരമായ വിവരങ്ങളും വിശദമായി പ്രതിപാദിക്കുകയുണ്ടായി. പോലീസ് ഭാഷ്യത്തെ വാര്‍ത്തയുടെ അവസാനഭാഗത്ത് ചോദ്യം ചെയ്യുമ്പോഴും പ്രതിയെ പേരെടുത്ത് പരാമര്‍ശിച്ചത് അനുചിതം എന്ന് പത്രത്തിന് തോന്നിയില്ല.
ഇതേ പത്രം, ഡിസംബര്‍ 20ന് പ്രതികളിലൊരാളായിരുന്ന മാലിക്കിനെ ഉദ്ധരിച്ച്, അദ്ദേഹത്തെ പോലീസ് കസ്റ്റഡിയില്‍ വച്ച് ഭീകരമായി മര്‍ദ്ദിച്ചതായും എന്‍.ഐ.എ.യുടെ വിവരണത്തില്‍ തന്നെക്കുറിച്ച് പറഞ്ഞിരുന്ന കാര്യങ്ങള്‍ വാസ്തവവിരുദ്ധമാണെന്ന് കാണിച്ച് പ്രത്യേകകോടതിയില്‍ ഒരു കത്തെഴുതി സമര്‍പ്പിച്ചതായും റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ട് ചെയ്തു.
പ്രതിയായി ആരോപിക്കപ്പെട്ട വ്യക്തിയുടെ പിതാവ് വക്കീല്‍ നോട്ടീസയക്കുന്നു
'ദ് ഹിന്ദു' ദിനപത്രത്തില്‍ വന്ന പ്രവീണ്‍സ്വാമിയുടെ ഒരു റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ടില്‍ ഇന്ത്യന്‍ മുജാഹിദ്ദീന്‍ (ഐ.എം.) പ്രവര്‍ത്തകനായി ചിത്രീകരിക്കപ്പെട്ടിരുന്ന യാസിന്‍ ഭട്കല്‍ എന്ന വ്യക്തിയുടെ പിതാവ് കര്‍ണാടകസ്വദേശിയായ മുഹമ്മദ് സരാര്‍ സിദിബാപ്പ പത്രത്തിന്റെ ചീഫ് എഡിറ്ററായ എന്‍. റാം, പ്രവീണ്‍സ്വാമി എന്നിവര്‍ക്കെതിരെ അയച്ച ഒരു വക്കീല്‍ നോട്ടീസില്‍ നഷ്ടപരിഹാരമായി അഞ്ച് കോടി രൂപ ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ട് അപകീര്‍ത്തി കേസ് ഫയല്‍ ചെയ്യാനുള്ള ഉദ്ദേശ്യം വ്യക്തമാക്കിയിരുന്നതായി ഡിസംബര്‍ 19ന് തെഹല്‍ക വാരിക റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ട് ചെയ്തു. ഡിസംബര്‍ 1ന്റെ ദ് ഹിന്ദു പത്രത്തില്‍ ഒന്നാം പേജില്‍ പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചിരുന്ന റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ടിന്റെ തലക്കെട്ട് '2010ലെ ആക്രമണങ്ങളുടെ അന്വേഷണത്തില്‍ ഉണ്ടായ പുരോഗതി പുതിയ ജിഹാദിസ്റ്റ് ആക്രമണ ഭീഷണി ഉയര്‍ത്തുന്നു' എന്നായിരുന്നു. സിദി ബാപ്പയെ ഒരു ഇന്ത്യന്‍ മുജാഹിദ്ദീന്‍ കമാന്‍ഡറും ഇന്ത്യയിലെ വിവിധ നഗരങ്ങളില്‍ ബോംബാക്രമണങ്ങള്‍ ആസൂത്രണം ചെയ്ത് നടപ്പാക്കിയ ശേഷം 2005 മുതല്‍ ഒളിവില്‍ പോയ ആളും ആയി ചിത്രീകരിച്ചു. തെഹല്‍കയോട് സിദി ബാപ്പ പറഞ്ഞതാകട്ടെ കഴിഞ്ഞ മൂന്ന് ദശകങ്ങളായി അദ്ദേഹം ദുബൈയില്‍ ഒരു ബിസിനസ് സ്ഥാപനം നടത്തിവരികയാണെന്നാണ്.
കൂലിക്ക് എഴുതപ്പെടുന്ന വാര്‍ത്തകള്‍
കൂലിക്ക് വാര്‍ത്ത എഴുതിച്ചതിന്റെ പേരില്‍ ആദ്യമായി ഒരു രാഷ്ട്രീയനേതാവിനെതിരെ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് കമ്മീഷന്‍ നടപടിയെടുത്തതും 2011ല്‍ ആയിരുന്നു. ഉത്തരപ്രദേശിലെ രാഷ്ട്രീയലോക്ദള്‍ അധ്യക്ഷയായ ഒരു നേതാവിനെ, രണ്ട് ഹിന്ദിഭാഷാ പത്രങ്ങള്‍ക്ക് 'ന്യൂസ് ഐറ്റംസ്' നിര്‍മിക്കാന്‍ എന്ന ഇനത്തില്‍ ചെലവഴിച്ച തുകയുടെ കണക്ക് സമര്‍പ്പിച്ച തെറ്റായ നടപടിയെത്തുടര്‍ന്ന് തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പില്‍ മത്സരിക്കുന്നതിന് മൂന്ന് വര്‍ഷത്തേയ്ക്ക് അയോഗ്യത കല്‍പിച്ചു.
മറ്റൊരു സംഭവത്തില്‍ ടൈംസ് ഓഫ് ഇന്ത്യ എന്ന പത്രം ബി.ടി. കോട്ടണ്‍ പ്രശ്‌നവുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട മൂന്ന് വര്‍ഷം പഴക്കമുള്ള ഒരു വാര്‍ത്ത പുതുതായി ഒരു വിവരവും നല്‍കാതെ അതേപടി എടുത്ത് പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചു. മഹീകൊ മൊണ്‍സാന്റോ ബയോടെക് എന്ന കമ്പനിക്കെതിരെ അപകീര്‍ത്തിയുണ്ടാകാനിടയുള്ള ഒരു വാര്‍ത്ത ഓഗസ്റ്റ് 28ന് പത്രങ്ങളില്‍ വന്നതിന്റെ ക്ഷീണം മാറ്റാന്‍ വേണ്ടിയും ശ്രദ്ധ തിരിച്ചുവിടാന്‍ വേണ്ടിയും ആയിരുന്നു സെപ്റ്റംബറില്‍ ടൈംസ് ഓഫ് ഇന്ത്യ 'ഉപഭോക്താവുമായി നേരിട്ടു ബന്ധപ്പെടാനുള്ള മുന്‍കൈ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനം' എന്ന തലക്കെട്ട് നല്‍കി പഴയ വാര്‍ത്ത പുനഃപ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചത്. 2008ല്‍ ടൈംസ് ഓഫ് ഇന്ത്യയുടെ നാഗ്പൂര്‍ എഡിഷന് പുറമേ ഇക്കണോമിക് ടൈംസിലും യു.എന്‍.ഐ., പി.ടി.ഐ. എന്നീ ഏജന്‍സികളുടെ ന്യൂസ് ഫീഡുകളിലും ഓടിയ വാര്‍ത്തയായിരുന്നു അത്.
അപകീര്‍ത്തി പരത്തല്‍
കൂടംകുളത്തെ ആണവനിലയവിരുദ്ധജനകീയ സമരത്തിന്റെ നേതാക്കളായ എസ്. പി. ഉദയകുമാര്‍, എം. പുഷ്പരായന്‍, എം. പി. സെല്‍വരാജ് എന്നിവര്‍ക്കെതിരെ ദിനമലര്‍ എന്ന തമിഴ് പത്രം നവംബര്‍ 24ന് അപകീര്‍ത്തികരമായ ഒരു റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ട് പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചു. അതിന്റെ തലവാചകം 'കൂടംകുളം വിവാദത്തിന് പിന്നിലെ സത്യവും വ്യാജപ്രചരണങ്ങളും' എന്നായിരുന്നു. തമിഴ്‌നാടിന്റെ വികസനം ഇഷ്ടപ്പെടാത്ത അമേരിക്കയാണ് കൂടംകുളം ആണവനിലയവിരുദ്ധസമരത്തിന് പിന്നില്‍ എന്ന് ആരോപിച്ച ദിനമലര്‍ റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ടില്‍ മൂന്ന് നേതാക്കളുടെയും വ്യക്തിപരമായ വിവരങ്ങളും ഫോണ്‍നമ്പറുകളും ഇമെയില്‍ വിലാസങ്ങളും കൊടുത്തിരുന്നു. ഈ റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ട് പ്രസിദ്ധീകൃതമായതിനുശേഷം മൂന്നുപേര്‍ക്കും തുടര്‍ച്ചയായി ടെലിഫോണിലൂടെയും മറ്റും ഭീഷണിസന്ദേശങ്ങള്‍ വന്നുകൊണ്ടിരിക്കുന്നു.
സ്ത്രീകള്‍ക്കെതിരായ ആക്രമണങ്ങള്‍
ജൂലൈ 1ന് ഇന്ത്യയിലെ ചില ടി.വി. ചാനലുകള്‍ ഓപ്പറേഷന്‍ ഗാങ് റേപ് എന്ന പേരില്‍ സംപ്രേഷണം ചെയ്ത ഒരു വീഡിയോ വാര്‍ത്തയുടെ പേരില്‍ ന്യൂസ് ബ്രോഡ്കാസ്റ്റേഴ്‌സ് സെല്‍ഫ് റഗുലേറ്ററി അതോറിറ്റി (എന്‍.ഡി.എസ്.ആര്‍.എ) എന്ന സ്ഥാപനം ഇന്ത്യന്‍ ചാനലുകളെ 'ശാസിക്കു'കയുണ്ടായി. ക്രൂരമായ ഒരു കൂട്ടബലാത്സംഗത്തിന്റെ എം.എം.എസ്. ഫൂട്ടേജുകള്‍ അങ്ങേയറ്റം അധിക്ഷേപാര്‍ഹമായ വിധത്തില്‍ പരസ്യമായി സംപ്രേഷണം ചെയ്തതിനായിരുന്നു ഇത്.
ബ്രോഡ്കാസ്റ്റിങ് കണ്ടന്റ്‌സ് കംപ്ലെയ്ന്റ്‌സ് കൗണ്‍സിലിന്റെ (ബി.സി.സി.സി.) കണ്ടെത്തല്‍ പ്രകാരം, ഇന്ത്യയില്‍ നിരവധി ചാനലുകള്‍ സ്ത്രീകള്‍ക്കെതിരായ അതിക്രമങ്ങളെ സീരിയലുകളിലൂടെയും മറ്റും കുറ്റകരമായ വിധത്തില്‍ പരസ്യസംപ്രേഷണം നടത്തിവരുന്നുണ്ട്.

ML Update 11 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol. 15, No. 11, 06 – 12 MARCH 2012

The Mandate from JNU Students: AISA, March on!

After a gap of four years, Jawaharlal Nehru University students voted on March 1 to elect their union, and the verdict could not have been more emphatic in favour of the All India Students' Association (AISA), the flag-bearer of radical student politics in the campus. For the second successive term, AISA candidates swept the central panel. What was more, they all won by a thumping margin with the Presidential candidate polling more than 2000 votes leaving her SFI rival way behind, and for the first time AISA also secured a clear majority in the council, its candidates dominating the three biggest centres accounting for the largest number of students in the campus.

On one level, the outcome of the JNUSU election may be seen as just yet another corroboration of the well-known and deeply entrenched Left tradition of the JNU campus. For the last two decades AISA has had a fairly prominent presence in the campus, winning as many as seven presidential elections since its first historic rise in 1993. If it was the SFI-AISF combine which dominated the campus in the 1970s and 1980s, it is AISA which has been the main contender since the 1990s; and over the last few years AISA has also succeeded in reinforcing its ideological-political influence with adequate organisational network and sustained initiatives on every major issue that mattered for the students.

But if we look at the outcome in the context of the ongoing neo-liberal assault on and restructuring of higher education and the developing political situation in the country, the victory clearly sends out a much bigger message than a mere reiteration of JNU's traditional preference for the Left. The arena of higher education has been witnessing massive commercialisation making it increasingly impossible for students from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds to receive quality education or pursue careers of their choice. This implicit pro-rich and elitist bias is now being sought to be reinforced by a targeted truncation of campus democracy and student participation in politics. The Lyngdoh recommendations are essentially aimed at insulating the student community from the larger socio-political environment in the country. The JNU verdict has come as a resounding rebuff to this neoliberal restructuring of higher education.

AISA has been consistently campaigning against the neoliberal assault on higher education and within JNU AISA has emerged as the rallying centre for students fighting against the implicit elitist bias as well as the explicit authoritarian agenda of this neoliberal design. It is significant that the emphatic mandate for AISA has effectively marginalised every rightwing trend in student politics, be it the RSS-affiliated ABVP, the pro-Congress NSUI or the anti-reservation platform Youth for Equality.

The election of the JNUSU coincided on the one hand with the Assembly elections in the five states of Punjab, Uttarakhand, Manipur, Goa and Uttar Pradesh and the February 28 all-India industrial and rural strike called by trade unions and agricultural labour organisations. The AISA campaign in JNU, which clearly marked the leading voice in JNUSU election, effectively combined the immediate concerns of JNU students with the democratic demands and aspirations of the people joining the February 28 strike and participating in these Assembly elections. The campaign pulsated with the spirit of the growing popular resistance to corporate land-grab and illegal mining, mega scams and rampant loot of development funds, and repressive steps like Operation Greenhunt and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act that are propelling the Indian state's war on human rights.

The mandate for AISA also meant a clear rejection of SFI/CPI(M) in the celebrated citadel of Leftwing student politics. After West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, JNU is known as the fourth key bastion of the CPI(M). In 2007 in the wake of Singur and Nandigram, JNU had rejected the SFI/CPI(M) attempt to defend the indefensible. As the CPI(M) gets ready for its 20th Congress, it is quite clear that the CPI(M) remains adamant and refuses to acknowledge the disgrace it has brought to the glorious history of communist-led peasant movement in the country and learn any real lesson from the debacle it has suffered in West Bengal. The JNU verdict clearly suggests that the CPI(M)'s own ranks, let alone the broader intelligentsia, remain unconvinced and critical of the CPI(M) leadership's arrogant refusal to acknowledge its basic mistakes.

It is indeed inspiring to note that while the corporate media have been busy peddling the likes of Rahul Gandhi and Akhilesh Yadav as youth icons for the new generation, the student community in JNU has reiterated its overwhelming commitment to the legacy of Bhagat Singh and Chandrasekhar. AISA must now consolidate the gains and use this mandate to strengthen and radicalise the student-youth movement and forge stronger links with the broader democratic movement in the country. That can be the only true tribute to the legacy of Bhagat Singh, modern India's greatest youth icon, and our very own Chandrasekhar who was killed simply because he tried to connect the student radicalism of JNU to the peasant militancy in Bihar. AISA must march on.

AISA's Victory in JNUSU 2012

In the President's post, Sucheta De from AISA polled 2102 votes – probably the highest ever by a JNUSU candidate – defeating her nearest contender, Zico Dasgupta from SFI (who got 751 votes) with a colossal margin of 1351 votes. In the Vice President's post, Abhishek Kumar Yadav from AISA polled 1997 votes, defeating Anagha Ingole from SFI who got 1357 votes. In the post of General Secretary, Ravi Prakash of AISA polled 1908 votes as against the AISF candidate Durgesh Tripathi who got 989 votes. For the post of Joint Secretary, AISA's Mohd. Firoz Ahamed polled 1778 votes, as against Mohd. Altamash from SFI who got 1199 votes. The candidates from Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) – affiliated to the RSS and the BJP – polled a distant third on most posts.

In JNUSU, students directly elect the entire Students' Council, comprising the four office-bearers and Councillors representing various Schools or Centres. This time, AISA won 14 of the 29 Councillor seats in different Schools and Centres of JNU. The three biggest Schools in JNU, each with 5 Councillor posts, are the School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies (SLL&CS), School of Social Sciences (SSS), and School of International Studies (SIS). By winning a majority of Councillor posts, AISA secured the post of School Convenor in each of these Schools. In SLL&CS, AISA candidates defeated ABVP to sweep all 5 Councillor posts. In SIS and SSS, AISA won four of the 5 seats, with the fifth seat going to SFI. This is the first time the SFI has lost the Convenor-ship of the School of Social Sciences in the past two decades, possible much longer. AISA also won the post of Convenor in the School of Arts and Aesthetics.

The Lyngdoh norms and suspension of elections for the past four years was a deliberate ploy on part of the ruling establishment to foster depoliticisation among JNU students. Indeed, the stay on elections had led to disarray and passivity among other student groups in JNU. AISA, though, had remained very active – mobilising students in several landmark struggles in this period, in spite of there being no elected JNUSU. Key struggles in recent times, in which AISA played a leading role, include a sustained struggle against the Lyngdoh recommendations; a massive agitation against attempts to commercialise various facilities like electricity and levy 'user charges'; a long and successful struggle resulting in a landmark Supreme Court verdict with national implications, correcting the faulty definition of 'cut-off' marks in implementation of quotas for Other Backward Classes; and a successful struggle for recognition of madarsa certificates in JNU admissions.

Other significant struggles between 2004-2006, with a lasting impact, in which AISA played a leading role, include an agitation for the rights of contract workers on the JNU campus, and a struggle to get rid of a Nestle outlet on the campus, which threatened the livelihood of small tea vendors.

AISA has also campaigned and mobilised students in large numbers to challenge the UPA Government's package of education-related legislation that are a blueprint of privatisation. Hundreds of JNU students participated in AISA's August 2011 barricade at Parliament Street against corruption and corporate plunder. AISA stood in solidarity with people's movements at Jagatsinghpur against the POSCO steel plant, at Jaitapur and Koodankulam against nuclear plants, and mobilised students against the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act, communal violence, against state repression, fake encounters and custodial killings in the North East, Kashmir, forest areas, and other parts of the country.

The mandate for AISA is a mandate for all these consistent struggles and initiatives over the years.

Road Blockade in Tripura

On 22 February, CPI(ML)'s South Tripura DC and the District Unit of AIKM organized a road-blockade in Udaipur-Kankaban in support of the demand for compensation to flood-affected peasants, support-price for paddy, 65% NREGA fund for agricultural activities, and other demands. The blockade continued till the SDM came to the spot and assured a tripartite-meet to discuss the issues and find a solution. This blockade was a culmination of protests and deputations for the last six months. The Party DCS Com. Parths Karunakar, AIALA state president Com. Gopal Roy, Com. Lokman Hossain, Babul Duta and other led the agitation.

Some More Reports of the All India Strike

In Tamilnadu, AICCTU participated in the February 28th strike in all important industrial centres and areas of our work. In Chennai, AICCTU participated in a total of 3500 strong joint demonstration in two centres with 300 members. A 100% strike was ensured in all industries under AICCTU's leadership. The workers under the banner of AICCTU also ensured the participation of workers of TVS and TI groups in the strike. At Thiruvottiyur, another centre of big industries, AICCTU's presence ensured strike in almost all industries. There was an overwhelming response among transport workers and only very few buses were plying in the metro. AICCTU leaders Sekar, Palanivel , Jawahar , Kumaresh and Bharathi led the Strike initiatives.

In neighbouring Guduvancheery, AICCTU participated in a joint Rally along with AITUC with 80 members. In Thiruvellore, a Rally of 300 members under the banner of AIALA marched and 150 courted arrest. It was led by Janakiraman, state GS of AIALA and Bhuvana, Deputy GS of AICCTU.

In Coimbatore, the strike in Pricol, ITPL and Suba plastics was total. Traders in the Periyanayackanpalayam area also closed their shutters in response to our call. In Salem, 100 workers of AICCTU, the majority of them women, participated under the leadership of Chanramohan, state vice president of AICCTU. In Kuppanur of Salem, 16 AIALA members were arrested for picketing. Comrades Gopi and Ayyandurai led the agitation.

In Dindigul, a 250 strong rally was held which went through important roads and culminated in a mass meeting under the leadership of K G Desikan, state secretary AICCTU , Manivel, state executive member AICCTU, and Jayaveeram, District organising secretary of CPI(ML).

In Tanjore town, more than 100 members participated in a joint rally of 300 workers under the leadership of AICCTU state secretary Rajan. In Tanjore and Nagapatnam districts, there were demonstrations and road roko agitations at 6 centres in which more than 650 members took part.

In Namakkal dictrict , AICCTU participated at 3 centres in a joint rally. In Gandarvakottai of Pudukottai about 150 members participated in a rally organized by AIALA under the leadership of Comrade Valathan.

In Villupuram, 175 AIALA members courted arrest at Thirunavalur led by Comrade Venkatesan and 90 members courted arrest at Chenji. In a joint demo at Nagarkoil in Kanyakumari district, 100 members of AICCTU took part under the leadership of Comrade Antonymuthu.

About 200 Contract labours of the Ordnance Factory, Tiruchi went on strike and 50 members participated in a joint TU demo at Tiruverumbur. In Karur also AICCTU participated in a joint TU rally.

In Tirunelveli, more than 100 AICCTU workers participated in a joint demonstration. There was a scuffle when police, after giving permission for demonstration, tried to arrest the workers citing election code for the by-election in Sankarankoil in the district. It was led by Sankarapandian, state GS, Ramesh, state vice president and Ganesan, state EC member.

In Assam, the All India General Strike took the Shape of Assam Bandh. In Silchar, out of the 250 arrested while picketing the Deputy Commissioner's Office, more than 150, most of whom were ASHA women, were affiliated to AICCTU. At Badarpur Railway junction, Rail traffic was totally disrupted.

The oil sector too witnessed significant participation. The Digboi and the Numaligarh Refinery were totally at strike. The most remarkable was the scene in Oil India Head Quarter at Duliajan where the main organizer was the contractual and Motor Shramik Worker's Unions and unrecognized unions of regular workers. In Guwahati Refinery, the INTUC-affiliated Guwahati Refinery Workers' Union betrayed totally and was also exposed. However, the strike was 50%, due to efforts of AICCTU-affiliated united workmen's union – the only struggling contractual workers' union.

The all Assam contractor workers' union affiliated to AICCTU took active part in paralyzing works in Dinjan Army cantonment, Chabua Airforce Station and Mohanbari Air Port (partly).

Throughout the state, at various points, there was a road blockade. The Jorhat road-block was a joint initiative of AISA, AICCTU, ASCSS etc. and 50 were arrested. Due to call of strike by various transport workers union the General Strike took here a complete shape.

March to Assembly Against Death Sentence for Innocent Mahadalits in Amausi Case

On 21 February, the CPI(ML)led a massive protest march to the Bihar Assembly in Patna, to protest the recent verdict of death sentence to 10 and life sentence to 4 Mahadalits in the Amausi (Khagaria) massacre of 2009. Large numbers of mahadalits participated in the march, expressing angry protest against the biased verdict and the attitude of the Nitish Government towards the most oppressed mahadalits.

The Amausi carnage of 2009 was a fallout of the Nitish Government's adamant refusal to implement land reforms and give the mahadalit musahars the land that was their due. But instead of identifying the real masterminds of the massacre, the verdict of the local court in Khagaria has passed a death sentence on 10 innocents, including the popular mahadalit leader Bodhan Sada, and life sentence to 4 others. Participants in the March protested this verdict as reflective of deep bias and injustice.

The March began at JP roundabout and concluded at the Station roundabout. The procession was led by CPI(ML) leaders Arun Kumar Das from Khagaria, Ramesh Manjhi and Sharifa Manjhi from Patna district, AIPWA National General Secretary Meena Tiwari and State President Saroj Chaubey, RYA General Secretary Kamlesh Sharma and State Secretary Naveen Kumar, AISA State President Abhyuday, Patna city councillor Tota Chaudhury, workers' leader Murtaza Ali, Anita Sinha of AIPWA and others.

Scores of mahadalit women participated in the march, with placards and slogans saying, "Atrocities on Mahadalits, Shame on Nitish Govt", "Reality of Nitish's 'Sushasan' – Death Sentence for Mahadalits, While Ranveer Sena Chief Brahmeshwar Singh Goes Free", and "Nitish Kumar Come to Your Senses – Keep Promises to Mahadalits".

The protestors demanded a judicial enquiry into the Amausi massacre and a strong punishment for the real perpetrators. The death sentence to Bodhan Sada and the other convicts is a mockery of justice.

Speakers who addressed the gathering pointed out that Bodhan Sada is being painted as a 'Maoist Area Commander' and a ruthless killer – but the fact is that he is a popular mahadalit leader. His wife Amla Devi had been elected mukhiya from Barai panchayat, and had been killed by a Maoist squad, and the killers of Amla Devi are yet to be punished.

There are dozens of cases of land dispute in Khagaria district. Years ago, mahadalits got the land papers for ceiling surplus land that had belonged to absentee landlords, yet they are yet to get custody of the land. Instead these lands have been grabbed by others. And there are innumerable cases of false charges on mahadalits, of which the most common charge is that of being a Maoist extremist. Clearly the 'Maoist' tag is being used to deprive mahadalits of their rightful share of land. The protestors demanded a Legal Commission to investigate cases of land dispute and ensure justice for mahadalits.

The struggle against the unjust conviction of mahadalits in the Amausi case will continue.

 

Edited, published and printed by S. Bhattacharya for CPI(ML) Liberation from U-90, Shakarpur, Delhi-92; printed at Bol Publication, R-18/2, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar, Delhi-92; Phone:22521067; fax: 22442790, e-mail: mlupdate@cpiml.org, website: www.cpiml.org

ML Update 10 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol. 15, No. 10, 28 FEB – 05 MARCH 2012

International Women's Day and the Women's Movement in India

Woman is born in chains, but everywhere she is fighting to be free. It is a world-historic struggle being waged in different ways in different national settings.

In our country the peculiar Indian version of neoliberal model of growth preserves, profits from and in some cases reproduces in modified forms certain vestiges of feudalism in socio-economic structures, customs and value systems. The working people of India, women included, therefore have to suffer the worst of both worlds – feudal backwardness and obscurantism as well as modern capitalist expropriation and exploitation. Among them, it is women and children whose interests are most severely jeopardized in myriad ways, for example by the retreat of the neoliberal state from its welfare responsibilities and the state-sponsored corporate land-grab campaigns. In addition to the perennial violence of hunger, women are routinely subjected to all kinds of oppression, discrimination and sexual assaults, with people in high positions feeling free to indulge in such crimes and shielding other criminals. In this respect Congress-ruled Delhi and Rajasthan look exactly like, say, NDA-ruled Bihar and West Bengal under its first woman Chief Minister.

Attacks and obstacles notwithstanding, more and more women are coming out of their homes not only to take up traditional occupations but also to avail themselves of the new job opportunities, however limited, opened up by capitalist greed for exploiting cheap female labour. Even in the face of feudal- patriarchal opposition, they are trying to utilise the new opportunities – introduced by the provision of 50% reservation in panchayati raj institutions – for playing more active social and political roles as people's representatives. The net impact of all this is that on one hand women are drawn into a new vortex of oppression and struggle in the wider world, while on the other the new experiences equip them with a keener political awareness, a higher sense of dignity and self confidence. The taste of hard-won relative freedom generates among them a healthy urge for further extending its narrow confines.

The slow but irresistible changes in the lives and attitudes of Indian women – changes that are no less conspicuous in the countryside than in urban areas – cannot but incite the forces of feudal-patriarchal reaction into frenzied attempts to stop the wheels of history. Such attempts range from emotional appeals to 'the sacred duties and virtues' of Indian mothers and wives through all kinds of moral policing to physical assaults, fatwas, honour killings and so on. But repression only regenerates resistance and domination the determination to fight back. Braving all difficulties and pains, women of India continue their forward march. It is this cool determination and robust dynamism of ordinary Indian women that a revolutionary women's organisation tries to imbue with a communist consciousness and give the shape of an organized movement.

The practice of observing the 8th of March as International women's Day was initiated about hundred years ago by socialist leaders like Alexandra Kollontai. A grand new chapter was opened up in the history of the struggle for women's emancipation. A few years later the Communist International proclaimed in its programme complete social equality between man and woman in law and in real life, revolutionary transformation of husband-wife relationship and family code, status of social work to motherhood, social responsibility of nursing and education of children and adolescents and relentless struggle against all ideas and traditions that enslave women. Since then communists all over the world have steadfastly pursued this agenda as a most vital and inalienable component of the struggle for communism. On the occasion of International Women's Day let us all rededicate ourselves to this noble cause.

AIPWA protests growing violence on women in WB

The West Bengal unit of AIPWA is trying to build a protest campaign against the growing incidence of violence on women and the highly reprehensible anti-women role of the Administration led by the state's first-ever woman Chief Minister. On 24 February it played an active role in organising a protest march in Kolkata along with other comrades and mass organisations under the banner of CPI(ML). On 27 February a team of AIPWA leaders including state secretary Chaitali Sen went to the Writers' Buildings (the state secretariat) to submit a memorandum to the Home-cum-Chief Minister. The main demands included: Mamata Bannerjee must apologise to the people of West Bengal for shamelessly depicting the Park Street rape case as "concocted" and must relinquish the Home portfolio; removal of the Transport Minister Madan Mitra and the Kolkata Police Commissioner for their patriarchal statements; severe punishment of the criminals involved in the rape incidents and so on.

The deputation was received by a Joint Secretary of the Home Department. Comrades spaced a protest, raising slogans, both inside and in front of Writers' Building.They were eventually arrested but the protest continued in the police lock-up. After 6 PM they were unconditionally released.

India's Working Class Strike of 28 February

a Clear Mandate for Immediate Reversal of Ongoing Economic Policies

The CPI(ML) leader and General Secretary of All India Central Council of Trade Unions (AICCTU) Comrade Swapan Mukherjee congratulated the working class for the unprecedented Countrywide General Strike on 28 February and termed this strike as a mandate for the reversal of ongoing economic policies of LPG.

He said that the workers ranging from organized to unorganized sector, from industrial workers to agricultural workers participated in this strike in numbers more than 10 crore, and particularly the contract workers employed in PSUs and govt. departments have played a major role in this strike. Many states witnessed Bandh during this strike. This strike is a warning to the central and various state governments that the working people of this country will not tolerate these exploitative, pro-corporate and anti-worker policies, and in the days to come they will go ahead with heightened struggles.

The demands which the Striking workers are pressing include 1) concrete measures to contain price rise 2) concrete measures for creation of employment 3) Strict enforcement of all basic labour laws without any exception or exemption and stringent punitive measures for violations, 4) universal social security cover for the unorganized sector workers without any restriction and creation of a National Social Security Fund with adequate resources 5) Stoppage of disinvestment in central and state profit-making and socially strategic PSUs, 6) No Contractorisation of work of permanent/perennial nature and payment of wages and benefits to the contract workers at the same rate as available to the regular workers of the industry/establishment, 7) Amendment of Minimum Wages Act to ensure universal coverage irrespective of the schedules and fixation of statutory minimum wage at not less than Rs 10,000/- with indexation 8) Removal of all ceilings on payment and eligibility of Bonus, Provident Fund; Increase the quantum of gratuity, 9)Assured Pension for all, 10) Compulsory registration of trade unions within a period of 45 days and immediate ratification of the ILO Conventions nos 87 and 98.

The call was given by all the Central Trade Unions in the country and was endorsed by almost all the major Independent National Federations of employees and workers.

Massive response to the call of General Strike by the workers en masse visibly impacting almost all the sectors of the economy, viz., Coal, steel, petroleum, telecom, defence, banks, insurance, electricity, transport, port & dock, anganwadis, construction, brick-kilns, beedi etc., both in organized and unorganized sector is a fitting reply to the utter neglect and insensitivity of the Government towards the problems and miseries of crores of the working masses who are keeping the country's economy running. This is also a signal that the working people and their unions would in no way accept such indifference and neglect on the part of the Govt. and carry forward their struggle to a higher pitch if their basic demands are not addressed by the Govt. through concrete remedial action.

Karnataka: AICCTU undertook an extensive and elaborate campaign around the all-India strike on 28 Feb. 2012. For the first time, the strike campaign in Karnataka was organized as a part of Joint committee of Trade Unions that comprised 10 central trade unions. In addition to that we also printed our own pamphlets explaining our political approach to the issues and also separate posters.

The tempo for the campaign was set by all trade union call of 'Jail Bharo' on 8th November. Our participation in state level convention on 30 January was also very impressive. The convention was addressed by national leaders all trade unions along with the state leaders.

 Bangalore: We could make a better presence in the campaign in areas surrounding Electronic City, Information Technology Park Ltd (ITPL) and Yelahanka. We joined Bike rallies and other propaganda meetings. In the meantime, one particular MNC workers in readymix concrete industry in Bangalore joined our union and consequently, local CITU was not willing to work jointly with us and the local joint campaign got disrupted. It was also a blessing in disguise as it evoked a sense of challenge among our workers and we organized separate bike rally and also strike enforcing rally and public meeting on the day of strike. The local CITU's refusal, in fact, resulted in voluntary mobilization of hundreds of workers in the strike rally. Workers marched through the streets of the bigger industrial belt of international capital in Bangalore and forced shut down of several companies where there was no union. The rally in surrounding areas of ITPL was very militant and culminated in a public meeting that was addressed by Com. Narayana Swamy, NCM, Somu, district secretary, Mani, treasurer, Govindaswamy, JS, Manjunath, district VP, Ashok, district JS, Sunil, JS and Kishore, Office secretary.

The rally at Veerasandra, near Electronic City was joined by AITUC workers and enforced strike in all factories where there was no union. The rallyists forced several companies to down their shutters and organized a public meeting at the end.

The rally and public meeting organized at the city centre was very militant and the traffic in the nerve centre of the city was thrown out of gear for more than 3 hours. Confrontation with the police in traffic regulation also resulted in mild lathi charge on some workers. CITU participated with full mobilization and few thousands of workers of all trade unions participated in the public meeting. Com. Shankar, all-India Vice President of AICCTU, Prasanna Kumar, state GS of CITU, Anantha Subba Rao, state GS of AITUC, Shivshankar, President of TUCC, Prakash, state leader of AIUTUC also addressed the gathering along with state leaders of other unions, HMS, BMS and INTUC. Com. Shankar called upon workers to rise in more militant struggles to give a fitting rebuff to the liberalization policies.

 Koppal District: Here too, in spite of joint call and initiatives at state level, CITU decided to go alone in strike campaign. AICCTU organized independent campaign meetings at various industrial centres in the district including Gangavati, Karatagi and Koppal. The rally on 28th was attended by more than 500 workers from rice mills, construction, brick kilns and also auto technicians and taxi and tractor drivers.

Davanagere District: AICCTU organized an impressive rally at Harappanahalli and the public meeting at the end was addressed by CPI(ML) state secretary Ramappa among others. Hundreds of construction and agricultural labour participated in enforcing the strike.

AICCTU, for the first time organized a demonstration at Harihar second major town in the district. Prasad, NECM and Manju, NCM of AISA addressed the gathering along with other local leaders Beerappa and Basavaraj.

Mysore District: AICCTU organized a demonstration jointly with AITUC at HD Kote taluk and construction and agricultural labour participated in the demonstration.

Delhi: The highly successful strike in Delhi's Wazirpur Industrial area is very encouraging for militant trade union and workers' movement. Thousands of workers (at least five thousand) were out on the streets enforcing the strike with forceful assertion. They were highly energetic in their robust actions closing the factories. The workers also clashed with the police while encforcing the bandh in factories. AICCTU played key role in organizing the strike in this area. Mike campaign was undertaken by us for a full week prior to the strike. Students from AISA's DU unit led by AIPWA's National Secretary took active part in the week-long campaign. After the strike was successfully implemented, a huge mass meeting was held by AICCTU. Speakers from AITUC, CITU and UTUC also spoke in the meeting.

In Delhi's Bhorgarh Industrial area too a very impressive rally of thousands of workers led by AICCTU and CITU was held and strike enforced. Comrade Surendra Panchal, CPI(ML)'s State Committee member led the campaign on our behalf.

In Jhilmil and Patparganj Industrial areas too it was mainly the AICCTU and CITU that led the strike and campaign. Comrade VKS Gautam, AICCTU's Delhi President led the strike and campaign in these areas.

A notable development was the dharna in support of strike by the employees' union of Lala Ramswarup (LRS) Institute of Respiratory Diseases and TB Hospital at Mehrauli. The union is affiliated to the AICCTU. Our members in MTNL and AICCTU affiliated union participated in a joint protest at Jantar mantar.

DTC was partially affected and mass meeting of 400-500 at took place at DTC headquarters. AICCTU General Secretary Comrade Swapan Mukherjee addressed the meeting among other central leaders of other central trade unions. At Okhla AICCTU took out a procession of 100 workers.

Puducherry: AICCTU, AITUC, CITU, INTUC, BMS LPF, TUCC, AIUTUC formed a state level joint action committee to carry out the 5 points charter of demands call to go on general strike on 28th. A week long campaign was conducted throughout Puducherry and Karaikal regions from 20-27 February.  At Nine centres the workers of all above central TUs courted arrest in Puducherry.

In rural area at Villlianur, AICCTU blockaded the railway track, in which hundreds of workers took part and most of them were women. Construction and agricultural workers were also present. It was led by Comrade S Balasubramanian, State Secretary of CPI(ML). All were arrested and later released in the evening.

In Puducherry town nearly one hundred and twenty five workers of various factories courted arrest. In Puducherry and Karaikal BSNL, LIC, Bank employees participated in the strike. The strike was total. A major union of state government workers namely 'Central Federation of government employees fully participated in the general strike and they took out a rally in the morning in Puducherry. Normal work was paralysed in UT of Puducherry.

Andhra Pradesh: Nine left parties held a dharna at Hyderabad and the leaders were arrested. Com. Murthy, Politburo member, was arrested from the Dharna. Nearly 100 workers took part in the dharna. In Khammam district of Andhra mainly in three mandals AICCTU held rallies. In Vijayawada, Krishna district and Visakapattnam Narasipetta rallies were held.

Odisha: CPI(ML) and AICCTU along with CITU, AITUC, AIUTUC, and HMS organised strike actions at Rayagada, Bhubaneswar, Rourkella, Kendrapara, Puri and Khurdha. Railway Sweepers Union joined at Bhubaneswar and Puri, autoworkers, Aanganwadi workers at Kendrapara and Zaro workers, Rickshaw pullers joined at Bhubaneswar along with other workers and transport workers' union at Rayagda.

At Puri Comrade Ashok Pradhan was arrested along with Dilip Samal of East Coast Railway Sweeper Workers Union. Protest was held by Maa Kalijayee Motorboat Workers Union and CPI(ML) at Balugan. At Rourkella protest was jointly held with CITU and AITUC under the leadership of Comrade NK Mohanty, President of AICCTU Odisha. At many places our comrades were arrested by the Odisha police.

The strike was a huge success in the State as towns and businesses were completely closed. The railways was affected in a big way and petrol pumps, autos, bus services were out of operation and banks and insurance companies were closed including Nabard and RBI.

Chhattisgarh: The blockade of the Maroda Gate of the Bhilai Steel Plant (BSP) began early at 5:30 a.m. Here the AICCTU, AITUC, CITU, BMS, HMS and INTUC had jointly called the strike. Joint campaign was undertaken for the success of strike. Contract workers took active part in making the strike successful. The demonstration at this Gate was on till 3:30 p.m. led by TU leaders including Comrade Brijendra Tiwari. 90 percent of the SAIL Refractory Unit participated in the strike. Our members participated in the demonstrations at other four Gates also organised by other unions.

A demonstration was held at Bhilai Municipal Corporation. Prior to this the Bogda Bridge was blockaded at 5 a.m. The CMM Mazdoor Karyakarta Samiti held blockades at various points in industrial area that helped swell the number of striking workers. Workers at stone quarries in Raipur's Bangoli-Mura participated in the strike and held rally.

500-600 workers employed at Welcome Distillery and Rayalseema Concrete Sleepers situated at Kargiroad Kota in Bilaspur participated in the strike and took out a rally before congregating at Mandi Ground for a mass meeting. The rally and meeting was led by AICCTU's National Vice President and CMM's President Comrade Bhimrao Bagde. A memorandum addressed to the President of India was handed over to the SDM.

Comrades from AIALA participated in the joint dharna in Bilaspur town. Comrade Lalan from AICCTU addressed the dharna.

400-500 workers of State Ware House and Central Ware House at Raipur participated in the strike and a rally.

Sanitation workers working as contract workers in Bhilai town participated fully in the strike despite the fact that the BSP administration and the contractors had tried to terrorise the workers.

Punjab: Contract workers of PGI, Chandigarh, affiliated to AICCTU, and mess workers of Punjab Engineering College, Sec. 16 Hospital Union, Sec. 32 Hospital Union, workers from health sector's malaria department. The leaders of the hospital unions stated that they have been forced to go on strike by the continued apathy towards their issues by the administration and the govt. Brick-kiln and rural workers in Mansa and Sangrur led by AICCTU went on strike.

Andaman & Nicobar: AICCTU, CITU and BMS jointly conducted one week long street corner meetings and public meetings place to place propagating the 28th all-India Strike and staged one day Dharna at Tiranga Park, Port Blair. Thereafter a procession was also held through main Aberdeen Bazar to Secretariat gate, Port Blair and concluded the same there with the address by leaders of Central Trade Unions. BSNL and all the bank employees went on strike in A&N Islands.

Madhya Pradesh: At Gwalior, Nagar Nigam Karamchari Kalyan Morcha (municipal employees'welfare front) affiliated to AICCTU organised a rally and meeting at Bara. Gwalior was bandh on 28th. Comrade Rajaram, CCM, was present at the Bara meeting. In Bhind, Hamal workers and other Left TUs held a joint rally and meeting. More than 200 workers participated here.

Jharkhand: Thousands of workers affiliated to the Jharkhand Construction Workers' Union (AICCTU-affiliated) started marching from the CPI(ML) State office and reached Commisioner's office passing through the main streets. After handing over of memorandum there for Labour Minister the rally returned to Albert Ekka Square where a mass meeting was held.

Rural workers in Jharkhand participated in the strike enthusiastically at many places. Rallies were held in ten panchayats of Bagodar block in which thousands of people took part. Grand Trunk road was blockaded for two hours at Bagodar town. Rallies and meetings were held in five panchayats each of Saria and Birni blocks and each comprising hundreds of people. Rallies were also held in ten panchayats of Jamua and three of Dewari. Two places in Rajdhanwar and impressive rally at Gawan.

After a long gap an impressive rally and a public meeting was held at Gandeya Assembly constituency which was attended by senior Party leaders that included Party's General Secretary Comrade Dipankar, CPI(ML) leader and MLA Comrade Vinod Singh, Politburo member Comrade DP Bakshi and other district and State leaders.

In Garhwa, where our Party leaders and members have been subjected to torture and fabricated cases resulting in arrests, protest march was held that turned into mass meeting at Ranka turn. Impressive rallies were held in Bhawnathpur to make the strike a success. At Chautha village in Hazaribagh's Bishungarh, road was blockaded. Patratu block office was gheraoed by hundreds of Party workers. Demonstration was held in Gumla.

Mugma collieries (ECL) witnessed total strike. Strike in BCCL was nearly total. Partial strike (about 50 percent) in CCL Bermo due to anti-strike stance of BMS and INTUC at grassroot level and total opposition by the Dadai faction of INTUC. AICCTU led an effective campaign and several workers came forward spontaneously that made the strike successful. CCL Hazaribagh was completely affected by the strike. Partial strike in Bokaro Steel Plant, however about half of all contract workers went on strike. Banks and LIC were completely on strike all over Jharkhand.

Bihar: Agricultural workers struck work throughout the State and workers in Industrial areas around Patna went on strike. At Bhagalpur members of all the unions affiliated to the AICCTU- Bihar State Construction Workers' Union, Kamgar Mahasangh, municipal employees, transport workers' union and many others comprising about one thousand urban and rural poor took out rallies from three different locations in the city before merging at Kotwali square and marched to the Station through main areas of the city. Half of the participants of the rally were the domestic women workers. The rally was led by AICCTU's district president and secretary Comrades SK Sharma and Mukesh Mukt respectively.

In the rural areas and villages AICCTU and AIALA jointly organised rallies and meetings that were led by local and district leaders. Here brick kiln workers went on strike.

Tamil Nadu: The workers of PRICOL, a major auto company in Coimbatore went on complete strike led by AICCTU.

More than eight thousand workers of the All India Agricultural Labourers' Association (AIALA) struck work in over 80 panchayats covering eight districts of Tamil Nadu. In Tiruvallur district the strike was led jointly by AICCTU and AIALA. NREGA related irregularities was one of the important issues here for AIALA strike. The propaganda had reached about fifty thousand workers.

Assam: Besides the strike, contract workers affiliated to AICCTU went on strike at Air Force Station and Army Cantonment area. AICCTU activists and workers were arrested in front of the DC office in Silchar.

Rajasthan: In Jaipur a joint rally of 2500 was organised. In Udaipur AICCTU played major role in organizing raliies and strike. In Ajmer and Pratapgarh also we participated in joint rallies and strike.

West Bengal: Strike was very successful in WB.

AIALA's all India Rural Strike: As part of the nationwide rural strike call given by the AIALA, meetings were held in more than four hundred panchayats. Demonstrations were held at 35 blocks and roads were blockaded at several places.

Hosiery Movement Update: Bowing down to the militant workers' struggle and a successful industrial strike, hosiery factory owners in Shobhabazar conceded to raising overtime wages by a significant amount (about Rs 30/day). Many of the factories which hitherto paid below-minimum wages to their workers, have started paying minimum wages now. The victory of our movement, albeit partial, proves once again that the working class can snatch away their demands only through protracted struggle. AICCTU has also decided to survey 400 factories of the area, so that legal battle too could be initiated.

 

Edited, published and printed by S. Bhattacharya for CPI(ML) Liberation from U-90, Shakarpur, Delhi-92; printed at Bol Publication, R-18/2, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar, Delhi-92; Phone:22521067; fax: 22442790, e-mail: mlupdate@cpiml.org, website: www.cpiml.org

ഫെബ്രുവരി 28, 2012 ദേശീയ പൊതു പണിമുടക്ക്‌

ഫെബ്രുവരി 28 -നു ദേശീയ പൊതു പണിമുടക്ക്‌ നടത്താനുള്ള കേന്ദ്ര ട്രേഡ് യൂണിയനുകളുടെ ആഹ്വാനം വമ്പിച്ച വിജയമാക്കുക

- ഉദാരവല്‍ക്കരണം, ആഗോളവല്‍ക്കരണം, സ്വകാര്യവല്‍ക്കരണം എന്നിവയ്ക്ക് എതിരായ സമരത്തെ ശക്തിപ്പെടുത്തുക .

- സ്ഥിര സ്വഭാവമോ തുടര്‍ച്ചയോ ഉള്ള തൊഴിലുകളില്‍ കരാര്‍വല്‍ക്കരണം ഉടന്‍ നിര്‍ത്തലാക്കുക .

- ഏതൊരു വ്യവസായ സ്ഥാപനത്തിലും മറ്റു തൊഴില്‍ സ്ഥാപനത്തിലും സ്ഥിരം തൊഴിലാളികള്‍ക്ക് നല്‍കുന്ന അതേ തോതിലുള്ള വേതനവും മറ്റു ആനുകൂല്യങ്ങളും കരാര്‍ തൊഴിലാളികള്‍ക്കും അനുവദിക്കുക.

- നിയമാനുസൃതം ആയ മിനിമം വേതനം 10 ,000 രൂപയില്‍ കുറയാത്ത വിധത്തില്‍ എല്ലാ വിഭാഗത്തിലും പെട്ട തൊഴിലാളികള്‍ക്കും സാര്‍വത്രികമായി ലഭ്യമാക്കുന്നതിനു വേണ്ടി മിനിമം വേജസ് ആക്റ്റ് ഉടന്‍ ഭേദഗതി ചെയ്യുക..

- ബോണസ് , പ്രോവിടെണ്ട് ഫണ്ട് എന്നിവയ്ക്കുള്ള അര്ഹതയ്ക്ക് നിശ്ചയിട്ടുള്ള എല്ലാ പരിധികളും നീക്കം ചെയ്യുക.ഗ്രാറ്റുവിറ്റി നിരക്ക് ഉയര്‍ത്തുക .

- എല്ലാവര്ക്കും പെന്‍ഷന്‍ ലഭ്യത ഉറപ്പു വരുത്തുക.

- ട്രേഡ് യൂണിയനുകളുടെ രജിസ്ട്രേഷന്‍ നടപടികള്‍ 45 ദിവസങ്ങള്‍ക്കുള്ളില്‍ നിര്‍ബന്ധമായും പൂര്‍ത്തിയാക്കും എന്ന് ഉറപ്പു വരുത്തുക. 87 ഉം 98 ഉം നമ്പര്‍ ILO കണ്‍വെന്ഷനുകള്‍ക്ക് അടിയന്തരമായി സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ ഔദ്യോഗിക അംഗീകാരം (ratification ) നല്‍കുക .

സി പി ഐ (എം എല്‍) ലിബറേഷന്‍                          എ ഐ സി സി ടി യു

ML Update 09 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol. 15, No. 09, 21 – 27 FEBRUARY 2012

Punish All Responsible for the West Bengal Government's Patriarchal Offensive on a Rape Complainant

The response of the West Bengal Government to a recent complaint of gang rape in the state capital, is yet another instance that has underlined the deeply patriarchal biases embedded in institutions of power and in the state machinery.

A woman reported that she had been gang-raped at gun-point in a moving car in Kolkata. She further stated that when she sought to file a complaint, she was subjected to humiliation and sexually suggestive remarks at the hands of the police. As this incident came to the light of the public, the West Bengal Police establishment and senior leaders of the Cabinet including even the Chief Minister herself, branded the rape complaint as false.

The Police Commissioner of Kolkata, RK Pachnanda, and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, both said the rape complaint was fabricated and 'staged' to malign the Government. The Chief Minister's media adviser said that the police was looking into the rape complainant's family background, cheating cases against her father, etc. Supposed 'holes' and 'inconsistencies' in the complainant's version were leaked selectively by police to the media. In other words, the complainant herself was treated as though she were a suspect whose innocence was on trial!

Meanwhile, a close aide of the Chief Minister, Minister Madan Mitra, resorted to the age-old patriarchal strategy to discredit rape complainants: insinuating that the complainant was of questionable moral character, since she was separated from her husband and visited nightclubs. Speaking to a TV channel, Mitra said, "Why did a woman with kids at home, who is separated from her husband, go to a nightclub? For all you know, she may still be drinking at a club."

Moral judgements on a woman's personal life, and all sorts of details about her family background, were invoked in order to discredit her complaint of rape – in violation of the well-established principle, oft upheld by the Supreme Court, that irrelevant details about the rape complainant's personal life and 'character' cannot be used to undermine rape complaints.

Eventually, the rape complaint was vindicated, with the Kolkata police arresting three of the accused. The medical evidence clearly showed injuries consistent with the assault described by the complainant. Also, it emerged that so-called 'inconsistencies' and 'falsehoods' in the complainant's statement had a perfectly logical explanation.

The kind of attitudes displayed by the West Bengal police and government are, unfortunately, all too common when it comes to rape complaints, and this is undoubtedly one of the factors contributing to the rise in sexual violence on women. Recently, a DGP of Andhra Pradesh blamed women for 'provoking' rape by wearing fashionable clothes. His remarks were soon echoed by many in responsible positions in other states, too. According to such patriarchal discourse, rape is not rape, when it happens to women who do not conform to prescribed norms of behaviour. And the credibility of any rape complainant can be undermined by questioning her clothes, her behaviour, or her morality. And Governments, realising that rape cases and police insensitivity reflect badly on their regime, are often quick to stoke patriarchal 'doubts' about the rape complainant's character and credibility. Not long ago, Bihar's Deputy Chief Minister, eager to cover up allegations of rape against an MLA of his party, questioned Rupam Pathak's character on TV channels. The Delhi Police chief, responding to charges of police insensitivity in cases relating to violence against women, said that women who ventured out without a (male) guardian at 2 am, have only themselves to blame for rape.

In West Bengal itself, the statements made by Mamata Banerjee and Madan Mitra echo the remarks made by their predecessors in similar circumstances. Responding to the mass rape at Birati in 1990, a leader of the ruling CPIM's women's organisation had referred to the questionable moral antecedents of the victims. In the Dhantala mass rape case of 2003, the West Bengal Women's Commission had dismissed the rape charges as 'concocted lies.' In another instance of rape of a woman CPI(M) supporter in Cooch Behar in 2003, allegedly by CPIM activists, the then State Secretary of the CPIM had deemed the charge to be 'concocted', and had questioned the 'character and lifestyle' of the complainant. In the case of the rape and murder of Tapasi Malik in Singur, too, senior CPIM leaders had made patriarchal insinuations about Tapasi and her family, in order to defend their own cadre who were accused.

This trend of branding rape complainants as liars by invoking their 'character' is rampant in society. But when those in positions of power and responsibility do so, it is even more serious and condemnable. If such persons go unpunished, it can only encourage this trend, and embolden perpetrators of violence on women.

The West Bengal Chief Minister owes a public apology to the rape complainant, for the shameful way in which the latter was branded a liar by the Government, and by the CM personally. The Chief Minister should also relinquish the Home portfolio that she now holds, as a penalty for the way in which she sought to malign a rape complainant, and bias the police proceedings. For his highly offensive remarks, Madan Mitra must be removed from his position in the Cabinet. The charges of sexual harassment against police personnel must be speedily investigated and sternly punished. The Kolkata Police Commissioner must be dismissed for his irresponsible statements that were a great injustice to the rape complainant. It may be remembered that, following his public pronouncements justifying the honour crimes of industrialist Ashok Todi towards Rizwan-ur Rehman, the then Police Commissioner had to lose his post. This time, too, the current Police    Commissioner must go.

WB: CPI(ML)'s 9th State Conference

The 9th State Conference of West Bengal State Committee was held from 18th to 20th February 2012 at Ashokenagar, 24 North Parganas, in which 349 delegates and 31 observers and guests from all over the State participated. The delegate session was preceded by a lively cultural programme and a discussion on the present situation of West Bengal which was addressed by Nabarun Bhattacharya, eminent poet, and Party's General Secretary Comrade Dipankar Bhattacharya. Comrade Dipankar highlighted the specific features under TMC rule, exposed the opportunism of CPI(M)'s left democratic alternative and clarified CPI(ML)'s position on this question. He emphasised on the need of building a fighting left democratic unity and building new areas of peasant struggle. Before the delegate session, the red flag was hoisted by veteran Party leader Comrade Sankar Mitra. Central Committee members, district secretaries, leaders of different mass organisations offered floral tributes and all the delegates and observers observed a minute's silence in memory of the martyrs.

The delegate session started after Comrade Partho Ghosh, the outgoing State Secretary placed the draft document before the house. Altogether 97 delegates took part in the deliberation and various suggestions enriched the debate discussion. Comrade V Shankar (CCM) from Karnataka was the central observer, and veteran Politburo member Comrade Swadesh Bhattacharya also addressed this session. The leader of CPRM- Comrade Taramani Rai and leader of Marxbadi Manch were also present.

This conference was marked by a vibrant presence of the students, fighting peasants, workers, and all the delegates were of the opinion that the situation is impregnated with new possibilities. The conference resolved to take up the challenges to expand and strengthen the Party. The TMC-led Govt is fast losing its credibility and the real character of this Govt is gradually being exposed.

After debate and discussion, the final draft was accepted unanimously and 39-member new State Committee was elected, in which 10 new members were elected. Comrade Partha Ghosh was reelected as the State Secretary.  The conference resolved to protest against the rape incident which took place in the heart of Kolkata and expose the role of the CM who denied this shameful incident on the pretext of a conspiracy against her Govt. The conference also resolved to make success the all India general strike on 28 February all over the state.

Hosiery Workers' Struggle

Hosiery workers of Sobhabazar area in Kolkata are fighting back a decades old system of inadequate overtime wages and lack of basic workplace amenities. According to existing labour laws they should be getting 8 hours' equivalent of wages for 4 hours overtime. But whereas they are bound to work overtime almost everyday, they get a pittance overtime wage of Rs. 45/day (their minimum wage stands at Rs 164/day).

CPI(ML) Liberation's AICCTU-led Kolkata Hosiery Workers' Union has waged a struggle demanding (1) proper overtime wages and (2) revision of minimum wages, which have remained stagnant for the last 13 years. Hosiery workers of this region have to work amidst extra-economic coercion. They don't have ID cards, they lack proper sanitation facilities and they don't even have an attendance registrar. 3rd January 2012 onwards, they have started the movement, skipping overtime work. On 17th January, 3rd February and 7th February, they took out massive processions reiterating their demands. On 19th January and 8th February, workers participated in a huge mass meeting where representatives from workers and All India Central Council of Trade Unions (AICCTU) voiced the workers' demands. Throughout this period the workers repeatedly attempted to have a dialogue with the factory owners' association which the latter bluntly refused.

The movement was peaceful and democratic from start till 9th February. But on the night of 9th February, factory owners sent in TMC goons to break the resolve of the workers. Workers retaliated with a massive industrial strike on the next day. They gheraoed Shyampukur and Jorabagan Police stations demanding immediate intervention by law enforcement agencies.

They rallied through the entire area, where some of the workers were beaten up. But the resolve of the workers stands undaunted and they are certain about their victory. Student activists from All India Students' Association (AISA) also joined the rallies in solidarity with the workers.

Panchayat Polls in Odisha

In the recent panchayat elections in Odisha, corporate houses, which are plundering the state's precious resources with the collusion of the Government, came to bail out the Naveen Patnaik Government, which was facing problems in the wake of outcry against corporate plunder and atrocities, of which the Pipili gang rape was the most recent instance. To top it all, the liquor tragedy, with its death toll reaching 38 till date, too took place. However, Naveen Patnaik's face-saving measures, combined with the money power backing of corporate houses, aided by the lack of credibility of Congress and BJP, managed to secure a majority of the zila parishad seats.

Though CPI(ML) Liberation could not retain three zila parishad seats, we won seven sarpanch seats, three samiti member seats, and more than 100 ward member seats in Raigada, Koraput, Puri, Kendujhar, and Kendrapada.

Reports from Madhya Pradesh

Bhind: A public meeting was held on 17th February in Bhind town centring on women's oppression, State Govt's (led by BJP) corruption and the upcoming countrywide trade unions' strike on 28th February. The 28th February strike was the main issue discussed. The meeting decided to consistently against corruption in the State and a planned propaganda campaign was decided for the 28th February strike. The organisers of the meeting were CPI(ML), AISA, AICCTU and AIPWA. The speakers at the meeting were Comrades Prabhat Kumar (Party's Central Committee member), veteran communist and Party leader Devendra Singh Chauhan and AIPWA's National Secretary Suraj Rekha Tripathi.

Gwalior: Conference of municipality employees' welfare front was held on 18th February at Bara in Gwalior that was also attended by CPI(ML) Central Committee member Comrade Prabhat Kumar besides trade union leader Comrade Ashok Khan and Comrade Haji Usman. The Conference also elected new office bearers and gave a call for making the 28th February strike successful. The Conference discussed more on the issues of sanitation workers. The workers in the conference have decided to campaign till 27th for the strike on the 28th and that they will hold a dharna at Bara on 28th wearing black badges. More than 70 delegates participated in the conference.

Make the Call by Central Trade Unions for Nationwide General Strike on 28 February

a Grand Success

Strengthen the Struggle against Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

All India Central Council of Trade Unions

(AICCTU)

 

Edited, published and printed by S. Bhattacharya for CPI(ML) Liberation from U-90, Shakarpur, Delhi-92; printed at Bol Publication, R-18/2, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar, Delhi-92; Phone:22521067; fax: 22442790, e-mail: mlupdate@cpiml.org, website: www.cpiml.org