ആൾ ഇന്ത്യാ സെൻട്രൽ കൌൺസിൽ ഓഫ് ട്രേഡ് യൂണിയൻസ്
10 )-മത് അഖിലേന്ത്യാ സമ്മേളനം
AICCTU
2– 4 മാർച്ച് , 2020
സന്തോഷ് കുമാരി ദേവീ നഗർ (നയ്യതി , പശ്ചിമ ബംഗാൾ )
സഖാ: സ്വപൻ മുഖർജി -ഡി പി ബക്ഷി ഹാൾ
(ഒയ്‌കൊടാൻ)
(ഒയ്‌കൊടാൻ)
ജനറൽ സെക്രട്ടറിയുടെ റിപ്പോർട്ട്
(കരട് )
സാർവ്വദേശീയ സ്ഥിതിഗതികൾ
തകരാറുകൾക്കുമുള്ള ഒരു ഒറ്റമൂലിയായി കൊട്ടിഘോഷിക്കപ്പെട്ട ആഗോളവൽക്കരണം മുതലാളിത്ത പ്രതിസന്ധിയുടെ രൂക്ഷതയ്ക്ക് ശമനം ആയില്ല. "താഴേക്ക് തെറിപ്പിച്ചു കിട്ടുന്ന" നേട്ടങ്ങളുടെ സിദ്ധാന്തം ലോകത്താകമാനം അസമത്വങ്ങൾ പെരുപ്പിക്കാൻ മാത്രമാണ് സഹായിച്ചത്. വർധിച്ചുവരുന്ന അസമത്വങ്ങൾ, തൊഴിലില്ലായ്മയുടെ പ്രശ്നം കൂടുതൽ രൂക്ഷമാവുന്ന അവസ്ഥ, വേതനത്തിൽ തുടർച്ചയായി ഇടിവ് സംഭവിക്കുന്ന സ്ഥിതി, സാമൂഹ്യ സുരക്ഷിതത്വനടപടികൾക്കുള്ള വിഹിതങ്ങൾ വെട്ടിച്ചുരുക്കൽ ,ട്രേഡ് യൂണിയനുകളുടെ അവകാശങ്ങൾ പരിമിതപ്പെടുത്തൽ , വർധിച്ചുവരുന്ന അസംതൃപ്തി ഇവയുടെയെല്ലാം അടിസ്ഥാനപരമായ കാരണം ഇന്ന് ആഗോളവൽക്കരണം ആണ്. ആഗോളവൽക്കരണ നയങ്ങൾ പരാജയപ്പെട്ട ഇന്നത്തെ ലോകത്തിൽ ബൂർഷ്വാ ജനാധിപത്യം പോലും ഭരണത്തിന്റെ രാഷ്ട്രീയ മാതൃകയെന്നനിലയിൽ സ്വയം കയ്യൊഴിയുന്ന ബൂർഷ്വാസി തൽസ്ഥാനത്ത് സ്വേച്ഛാധികാരവാഴ്ചയോ ,ഫാസിസമോ അവരോധിക്കാൻ ഇഷ്ടപ്പെടുന്നു. ഇതിന്റെ ഏറ്റവും പ്രകടമായ ഉദാഹരണങ്ങളാണ്
ട്രംപും മോദിയും. സ്വതന്ത്ര മാർക്കറ്റ് സിദ്ധാന്തങ്ങൾ ഇതുപോലുള്ള ഭരണകൂടങ്ങൾക്കുവേണ്ടി വാക്കാലത്തു നടത്താനുള്ള ഉപാധികൾ മാത്രമാവുകയാണ്. പ്രാദേശികവൽക്കരിക്കപ്പെട്ട യുദ്ധങ്ങൾ, സാമ്പത്തികേതരമായ അടിച്ചമർത്തലുകൾ , ഏറ്റവും അനുഭാവപൂർണ്ണ പരിഗണന നൽകുന്ന രാജ്യങ്ങളുടെ പട്ടികയിൽ നിന്ന് പുറത്താക്കൽ, താരിഫുകൾ പുതുതായി ഒന്നിനുപുറകെ മറ്റൊന്ന് എന്ന ക്രമത്തിൽ ഏർപ്പെടുത്തിക്കൊണ്ട് രാജ്യാന്തര സാമ്പത്തികബന്ധങ്ങളിൽ പുതിയ മതിലുകൾ കെട്ടിപ്പൊക്കൽ , സാമൂഹ്യ സുരക്ഷിതത്വവിഹിതത്തിൽ വെട്ടിക്കുറയ്ക്കൽ, കുടിയേറ്റക്കാർക്കെതിരെ വർദ്ധിച്ചുവരുന്ന ആക്രമണങ്ങൾ, വിദേശികളോട് വിദ്വേഷം പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കൽ , ഇസ്ലാമോഫോബിയ വളർത്തൽ , ലാറ്റിൻ അമേരിക്കയിലും വെനീസ്വല , ബൊളീവിയ ബ്രസീൽ, ക്യൂബ ,പലസ്തീൻ തുടങ്ങിയ മറ്റു മൂന്നാം ലോക രാജ്യങ്ങളിലും രാഷ്ട്രീയവും സൈനികവുമായ ഇടപെടലുകൾ നടത്തൽ, "ഭീകരതയ്ക്കെതിരെ യുദ്ധം ചെയ്യുന്ന"തിന്റെ പേരിൽ ഡ്രക്കോണിയൻ നിയമങ്ങൾ പാസാക്കിയെടുക്കൽ, ഇവയെല്ലാം തന്നെ ഇന്ന് ഉപയോഗിക്കപ്പെടുന്നത് ആഗോളവൽക്കരണവും സാമ്പത്തിക ഉദാരവൽക്കരണവും കെട്ടഴിച്ചുവിട്ടതുമൂലം ഉണ്ടായ പ്രശ്നങ്ങളെ അഭിമുഖീകരിക്കാനുള്ള തന്ത്രങ്ങൾ എന്ന നിലയ്ക്കാണ്. "സ്വതന്ത്ര കമ്പോളത്തിന്റെ " അഭിലഷണീയതയെ പ്രശംസിക്കുമ്പോൾ അത് മറ്റ് രാജ്യങ്ങൾക്ക് മാത്രം ബാധകമാക്കുകയും , അതേസമയം അമേരിക്കയെപ്പോലുള്ള രാജ്യങ്ങളിലെ കമ്പോളത്തിന്റെ താൽപ്പര്യങ്ങൾ സുരക്ഷിതമാക്കാൻ പാകത്തിൽ, സമ്പന്ന രാജ്യങ്ങളിൽ "ഫ്രീ മാർക്കറ്റി" ന്മേൽ സ്റ്റേറ്റ് നിയന്ത്രണങ്ങൾ ഏർപ്പെടുത്തുകയും ആണ് ചെയ്തുവരുന്നത്.
Multinational
corporations are accused of social injustice, unfair working conditions
(including slave labor wages, living and working conditions), as well as lack
of concern for environment, mismanagement of natural resources and ecological
damage.The UN Development Program reports that the richest 20 percent of the
world's population consume 86 percent of the world's resources while the
poorest 80 percent consume just 14 percent.Social welfare schemes or “safety
nets” are under great pressure in developed countries because of deficits, job
losses, and other economic ramifications of globalization. Globalization has
also been good for Multi-national corporations and Wall Street. But
globalization has not been good for working people (blue or white collar) and
has led to the continuing deindustrialization of the world, including America.
4-)മത് ആഗോളവൽക്കരണം
ആഗോളവൽക്കരണത്തിന്റെയും വ്യവസായവൽക്കരണത്തിന്റെയും നാലാം ഘട്ടമാണ് ഇനി വരാൻ പോകുന്നത് എന്ന് പറയാറുണ്ട് . വേൾഡ് ഇക്കണോമിക് ഫോറത്തിന്റെ എക്സിക്യൂട്ടീവ് ചെയർമാൻ ക്ലോസ് ഷ്വാബ് അത്തരത്തിൽ ഒരു പ്രഖ്യാപനം നടത്തുകയും , കഴിഞ്ഞകാലങ്ങളിൽ നാം കണ്ടതിൽനിന്നും വ്യത്യസ്തമായ നാലാമത്തെ ആഗോളവൽക്കരണത്തെ അഭിമുഖീകരിക്കാൻ നമ്മൾ ഇപ്പോഴും വേണ്ടത്ര തയ്യാറെടുത്തിട്ടില്ല എന്ന് പറയുകയും ചെയ്തു.
ആഗോളവൽക്കരണത്തിന്റെയും വ്യവസായവൽക്കരണത്തിന്റെയും നാലാം ഘട്ടമാണ് ഇനി വരാൻ പോകുന്നത് എന്ന് പറയാറുണ്ട് . വേൾഡ് ഇക്കണോമിക് ഫോറത്തിന്റെ എക്സിക്യൂട്ടീവ് ചെയർമാൻ ക്ലോസ് ഷ്വാബ് അത്തരത്തിൽ ഒരു പ്രഖ്യാപനം നടത്തുകയും , കഴിഞ്ഞകാലങ്ങളിൽ നാം കണ്ടതിൽനിന്നും വ്യത്യസ്തമായ നാലാമത്തെ ആഗോളവൽക്കരണത്തെ അഭിമുഖീകരിക്കാൻ നമ്മൾ ഇപ്പോഴും വേണ്ടത്ര തയ്യാറെടുത്തിട്ടില്ല എന്ന് പറയുകയും ചെയ്തു.
TGlobalisation 1.o is considered to
be the period of pre-World War 1 and is characterized as trade in / movement of
goods. Globalisation 2.0 is considered to be the period of Post-World War II
and is identified with market driven trade and trade agreements and rule based
governance. Globalisation 3.0 is considered to be widespread off-shoring and
factories, not just goods, crossing borders. It is featured as ‘High tech - Low
wages’ that basically impacted the lives of blue collar workers.Globalisation
4.0 is considered to be propelled by Artificial Intelligence (AI) driven
automation. Smart Robots and Cobots (Collaborative Robots) are expected to dominate
in this industry 4.0 that is basically digi-tech driven manufacturing and is
expected to make a large workforce as redundant and surplus. These AI driven
Robots are not only expected to complete repetitive tasks in lightning speed
but also are expected to remove faulty items and resolve other issues of
production chain with extreme ease. A robot can slow down and wait for the
human movement around to move away and then it picks up its normal speed of
hammering an iron, for instance. It can do the same depending on the movements
around. It is not just repeating its repetitive cycle but also sensitive and
brainy to be careful enough not to cause any harm to the humans around. Such ‘thinking’
robots also help humans to improve decision making processes. Robots advise the
human being. Earlier, we were witnessing reception desk of a US doctor to
operate from any developing country like India or China where wage levels were
much low. But, now,a doctor in India, for example, is advised and diagnoses are
done by software and devices through highly informed Artificial intelligence
technology in some other country. There is no need to physically transport the
machines or goods or professionals. If the labs can perform tests and send the
images and X-Rays, AI based analysis and diagnoses are done by robots and
Robots are advising doctors. The world is changing dramatically with the advent
of AI. Such innovations not only effect drastic changes in production processes
and have potential to displace a great number of blue and white collar workers
from the production chain, but also are potential enough to create havocs and
disasters against the humankind.
This
globalization 4.0 or new globalization as it is called, is said to be making
cross border flow of physical goods, money and people, the features of bygone
era as redundant. Whereas connected consumers, networking of machines and
devices to monitor the flow of data and ideas takes precedence over physical
movement. If that becomes a reality as it is in a beginning stage now can make
a much greater impact on the production and manufacturing models all over the
globe. This reduces the dominance of large scale enterprises based on bigger
scale of work force. This new business model decentralizes global supply chains
while digital services and platforms ‘integrating’ many ‘parts’ of business is
growing phenomenally. This new era is expected to make a devastating impact on
employment and lives of the working class – both mental and manual.
ഡിജിറ്റൽ ഉൽഗ്രഥനവും ബിസിനസ്സിന്റെ വികേന്ദ്രീകരണവും
Likewise,
the dominance of multilateral trade institutions and agreements are waning.
Bilateral trade agreements and national interests take precedence over global
goals charted in the beginning of the process of globalization. This has
resulted in growth of ultra-nationalism and national political interests in
many countries. Digital integration and economic decentralization forms a
breeding ground for ultra-nationalism and political conservatism and right
reaction.
ലോകത്തിൽ തൊഴിലുകളുടെ അവസ്ഥയും സാമൂഹ്യ ചിത്രവും -
ഐ എൽ ഓ അവതരിപ്പിച്ച
ഐ എൽ ഓ അവതരിപ്പിച്ച
World
Employment and Social Outlook 2019 by ILO says that poor quality employment is
a major issue in global labour market today. It says that 3.3 billion people
employed globally in 2018 had inadequate economic security, material well-being
and equality of opportunity. So, it says that “Equality and decent work are two of the pillars underpinning
sustainable development.”
The report cautions that some
new business models that are enabled by new technologies, threaten to undermine
existing labour market achievements – in areas such as improving employment ‘formality’(permanent)
and security, social protection and labour standards. “Being in employment does
not always guarantee a decent living,” “For instance, a full 700 million people
are living in extreme or moderate poverty despite having employment.”
Another major issue is the
gender imbalance in workforce. Only 48 per cent of women are in the labour
force, compared to 75 per cent of men. Women also make up far more of the
potential, underutilized, labour force. Another issue is the persistence of
informal employment, with a 2 billion workers – 61 per cent of the world’s
workforce – categorized as such. Also of concern is that more than one in five
young people (under 25) are not in employment, education or training,
compromising their future employment prospects.
The annual report also highlights some pockets of progress. In case, only if, the world economy managed to avoid a significant downturn or Slow down, only then unemployment is projected to decline further in many countries. But such a possibility of recovery of world economy appears to be remote and the unemployment is becoming a major threat to the entire world. There has also been a great decrease in working poverty in the last 30 years, especially in middle-income countries, and a rise in the number of people in education or training.
തൊഴിലാളിവർഗ്ഗം പോരാട്ടത്തിന് തയ്യാറെടുക്കുന്നു
Sometime back, many labour
researchers thought that they were witnessing the beginning of the end of
organized labour as a major political force. Rightist political forces were in
a mood of victory. But, the labour movement has regained some lost ground in
its struggle against neo-liberal onslaughts. There are many challenges - right
from increasing informalisation of workforce to international migration; from
routinisation of labour practices to a sustained attempt by capital to make the
workers pay for the collapse of neo liberal globalization model in 2008. But,
the working class is prepared for a fight back now. Yellow Vests movement to
recent strike against cut in social security allowances (pension reforms)in
France is a sufficient proof and a pointed indicator in this direction.GM
workers of America said that they are not only fighting for their own wages but
also to set an international standard for a livable wage for the working class
all over the world. Strikes and demonstrations are now erupting around the
world – from Chile, North America, the Middle East to the Europe. When workers
of Chile resisted an increase in Santiago metro fares, the main slogan was
that, “it is not about 30 Pesos, but about 30 years” which meant working class is
rising from its slumbers. In India too, we are witnessing growing unrest among
the working class. This situation calls for strengthening further the
international solidarity of the ongoing working peoples’ movements and forging
unity with the forces fighting against US imperialism and its stooges.
രാജ്യത്തെ നിലവിലുള്ള രാഷ്ട്രീയ സ്ഥിതിഗതികളും തൊഴിലാളിവർഗ്ഗത്തിനു നിർവഹിക്കാനുള്ള കടമകളും
We are holding 10th conference of
AICCTU in a situation of social, economic and political turmoil in the country.
The Modi Govt. has waged a war on lives and livelihood of India’s working
people, their Rights and even citizenship, India’s democracy, constitution and
secular fabric. After coming to power for the second time, the Modi govt.
emboldened by its increased strength has gone on an over-drive to complete its
un-finished corporate- communal fascist agenda.
Workers are facing unprecedented onslaught by
the corporate, communal Manuvadi saffron fascist forces in central power. 44
central legislations are being scrapped and merely four labour codes are being
legislated. The concept of labour legislations has been turned topsy-turvy.
Labour laws are not meant to protect labour from exorbitant and arbitrary
exploitation by capital and from vagaries of market forces but to
institutionalize ‘hire and fire’ and make it much easier for the capital. They
are not labour welfare legislations any more. They are only legislations to protect
capital and to reinforce their hunger for super profit. They are the rewards by
the fascist state to the investors and the industrialists.
Social security of work force, an inherent
legal right today, is being snatched away. The responsibility of providing
social security is no more the responsibility of employers. It is the
responsibility of workers and workers are supposed to bear the cost of
providing social security benefits. Wage Code is already passed in a lightning
speed (with other three codes on OSH, IR and Social Security already tabled in
Parliament) aimed at depressing wages and at relieving of all existing
protections enjoyed by workers through payment of wages act, minimum wages act,
etc. Introduction of the concept of Floor Wages is effectively denying workers’
right over minimum wages. The long pending demands of working class movement
for fair wages, living wages, etc., have become a mirage. The long standing
demand for reduction of working hours to 6 hours is flouted and the present
illegal practice of long working hours is being made legal. Certainly, the
8-hour work-day secured through workers ultimate sacrifices, confronting police
bullets and lathis and by spilling blood on the streets is thrown to the winds
without any murmurs. Trainees are denied minimum wages and other benefits on
par with other employees involved in same kind of work.
Forming trade unions is being made
cumbersome, difficult and almost impossible. Registering general workers unions
are being rejected even now but for industry based unions, that too with high
impossible targets of minimum membership. Recognition of trade unions is not a
right and is thrown at the mercy of the state and the employer. It is not only
that the right to strike is being snatched away but also that workers and trade
union leaders are being threatened of penalties for procedural mistakes in
issuing strike notices. The Code on Industrial Relations is a design by the
state to achieve de-unionisation and de-politicisation. Inspectors are transformed
into facilitators and advisors for employers. Labour dispute resolution
mechanism is being dismantled and being made toothless and completely
ineffective. The industry threshold limit is raised to 300 for the
applicability of several crucial labour laws so that more than 70 percent of
the industries are pushed out of the coverage of labour codes. Like Hitler led
Nazi Party, Modi’s BJP too is attempting to replace the language of class
warfare, industrial dispute, etc., with the language and concepts of class
collaboration and class compromise. It wants to project the relationship
between capital and labour as one of cooperation and attempts to conceal the
real class differences and to gloss over the inherent class conflict.
Equal wages for equal work is not compulsory
any more. It is sufficient if workers are paid floor / minimum wages.
Identifying principal employer is made much more ambiguous and the principal
employer is being effectively relieved of the responsibility of ensuring the
welfare of contract workers. Contract workers with meager increment and
relatively regular employment under contractor are not the employees of
principal employer any more.There are many riders that provide escape route for
principal employer to evade the responsibility. The concept of regular
employment is abolished and Fixed Term Employment (FTE) is made the norm. The
distinction between core and non-core activities of production is blurred. The
concept of work of perennial nature, control and supervision, etc., that had
been the criteria for identifying principal employer is being diluted and
abolished. In the coming days, apprentices and trainees are expected to
outnumber contract and other informal forms of employment in the total
workforce employed in core production activities as they can be exploited to
the hilt paying less than minimum wages. The new codes are expected to
supersede all state level labour welfare legislations favouring regularization
of informal workforce in formal sector.
Modi’s advice is to increase self-employment.
Workers are entitled only to dream of employments like Pakodawalas and
Chaaiwalas. The slogans of Start-up India, Stand-up India, etc., are already a
failure. The slogan of ‘Make in India’ is a red carpet welcome to corporate and
multinationals to enjoy cheap labour and without any labour law obligations.
The government has utterly failed in generating employment and the employment
opportunities have touched its lowest in last 45 years. The Modi regime that promised
generation of 2 crores of employment a year has not only generated any
sufficient employment but its policies has resulted in a job loss of several
lakhs each year. So, it is not just a job-less growth but a job-loss growth.
Workers are being forced to be content with unemployment and underemployment.
It is really pathetic to witness engineering graduates working as gang-men in
railways and toilet cleaners in hospitals. Skill India has only killed the
skills of India. Skill India was aimed at creating skilled workforce so as to
provide cheap labour to the industry. MNREGA fund allocation has progressively
been on the decline in each Budget only to expedite migration of rural
workforce to already overflowing cities and urban centres. This is nothing but a
corporate strategy being implemented by the saffron rulers only to bloat the
reserve army of unemployed and to ensure abundant supply of cheap labour to the
industry. New Education Policy too is aimed only at creating modern slaves who
can only read instructions that are given in English.
Dimitrov observed correctly
as late as in 1935 itself, “Fascism promised the workers "a fair
wage," but actually it has brought them an even lower, a pauper, standard
of living. It promised work for the unemployed, but actually it has brought
them even more painful torments of starvation and forced servile labor. In
practice it converts the workers and unemployed into pariahs of capitalist
society stripped of rights; destroys their trade unions; deprives them of the right
to strike and to have their working-class press, forces them into fascist
organizations, plunders their social insurance funds and transforms the mills
and factories into barracks where the unbridled arbitrary rule of the
capitalist reigns.” We are witnessing Dimitrov’s observations of 1935 coming
true in India today under Hitershahi (Fascist) Modi 2.0 regime in 2020.
The entire wealth of the country is being
offered on a platter to corporate and multinationals. The govt. whose brand
agenda is ‘nationalism’ is rampantly privatizing and selling-out national
property. Privatisation (with 100% FDI in key sectors) is the mantra of the
saffron rulers. Defence production units are being privatized aiming at
creating military-industrial complex. Rail coach production units are being
given to corporate houses. Navaratna and Miniratna companies of public sector,
earning spectacular profits for the government, is being handed over to
corporate houses. Railway hospitals, schools, stations, including trains are being
offered at a cheaper price in the name of international standards. Even railway
police force is not spared and is being handed over to private houses. Public
sector banks and insurance companies, including LIC, are being amalgamated and
privatized while lakhs of crores of loan by corporate companies are being
written off. BSNL is being systematically forced to face its natural death.
Profit making public sector Oil Company BPCL is also thrown to corporate like
peanut. Mines and mineral have been opened for commercialization.A list of
public sector companies to be sold out is already in circulation. At the same
time, the entire Social
Sector including the old govt. schemes like ICDS (Anganbadi), NRHM (ASHA),
Mid-day Meal etc. and basic services have been thrown to privatization.Corporate tax is slashed greatly while
workers earning less than five lakhs are deceived and taxed more in the name of
‘no tax’. Workers and employees are cheated in the name of ‘no tax’ upto a
ceiling of 5 lakhs. More than 70 items, including HRA, LTC and several other
allowances and categories of payment out of 100 which were under the category
of tax exemption will now be taxed and thereby, in real terms, increasing the
payment of tax by the people at the bottom rungs of tax pyramid. On the
contrary, corporates and the filthy rich are being given tax benefits. The
fundamental solution to the problem of recent economic recession is to increase
purchasing power and to increase money circulation by putting more money in the
pockets of people. But, the corporate friendly Modi government has chosen the
opposite of putting more and more money in the pockets of filthy rich and
corporate houses. It is an accepted fact internationally, including World Bank
that the ‘trickle down’ theory has only accentuated inequalities. Budget
resources are generated by selling off the wealth of the country and not by
increasing production and revenue earnings and by taxing the rich.
The aim of the Hitler-shahi state is to
repress and discipline the population, while protecting corporate capital,
investors, super profits and accumulation of wealth. Mussolini declared, “The
fascist regime does not intend to nationalize or worse bureaucratise the entire
national economy, it is enough to control it and discipline it through the
corporations…The corporations provide the discipline and the state will only
take up the sectors related to defence, the existence and security of the
homeland.” Hitler also said, “We stand for the maintenance of private
property…We shall protect free enterprise as the most expedient, or rather the
sole possible economic order.” Following the footsteps of Mussolini and Hitler,
Modi also said that the business of the government is not to do business. Like
the ongoing ruthless privatization of national wealth and anti-union,
anti-worker legislations in India, Hitler too introduced economic stimuli through
military spending, privatization, and breaking unions, instituting deep cuts in
workers’ wages. Indian version of fascist economic strategy to protect
corporate capital is backed by communal nationalism, Manuvad and
authoritarianism. It is aimed at liberating capital from regulation – giving
free rein to monopoly-finance capital. Sweezy wrote in a 1941 study of the Nazi
economy, “(It) was thus that the capitalist class continued to serve as a
vessel for the accumulation of income. Profit-making and the return of property
to private hands, moreover, have assisted the consolidation of Nazi Party
power.”Concentration of economic power was crucial for the consolidation of
Nazi rule in Germany.
The saffron Hitler-shahi rulers are scripting
modern slavery. Inequality, devastating divide and discrimination are being
institutionalized and are being promoted. The result is that our country under
Modi Regime has gone up to the top levels in hunger Index at the position of
102, and on the hand 1% are in possession of 77% wealth of nation. Investors
are admired and Budget speech also shared PM’s Independence Day speech that was
concerned about caring and honouring investors/capitalists. This Modi
government of corporate capital is not ashamed to say that it is only investors
who are the wealth creators and not the workers who built this country through
their sweat and blood. The toiling masses in the
country claim, any scientific approach asserts and also the history has taught
us that the working masses are the wealth creators. But, Modi says investors are the wealth creators who should be respected and shall
be provided conducive atmosphere for ‘ease of doing
business’. The point is that
these investors and wealth creators are none else but corporate and
multinationals. PM Modi made it very clear in his speech that privatization and
investment by corporate and multinationals are the panacea for the problems of
“unemployment”, removing “inequality” and “abolishing poverty”. So, it is quite
natural that SanghiModi offers unfettered freedom to corporate capital.
Privatization, attack on labour rights and legislation of codes are meant for
intensified and inhuman exploitation of labour so as to honour ‘wealth
creators’ who are actually the looters and plunderers of all wealth of this
country. All actions of Modi 2.0 regime are obviously aimed at providing ease
of doing business to the business class. It is nothing but scripting modern
slavery. It is a code for the sacrifice of labour at the altar of capital in
the era of neo-liberalism.
The ruling dispensation at the centre led by
the Saffron forces has become a nakedly corporate government. We are witnessing
tightened grip of corporate bourgeoisie over the state machinery. Nexus between
crony capitalist forces and the state has become much deeper and more open.
When the working class has been fighting
against the attack, against codification of laws, against pro-corporate,
anti-working class policies of Modi 2.0 regime, Modi led central government and
the RSS are questioning our citizenship itself.
CAA-NRC-NPR ഉം തൊഴിലാളിവർഗ്ഗത്തിനെതിരായ ആക്രമണവും ഹിറ്റ്ലറുടെ മാതൃകയിൽ ഭരണത്തിൽ പിടിമുറുക്കാനുള്ള ഒരേ ഫാസിസ്റ്റ് പദ്ധതിയുടെ ഭാഗങ്ങൾ
The entire country is up in arms against
draconian and fascist onslaught on toiling masses and the people in the form of
divisive, anti-worker CAA, NRC and NPR package. We should fight against the
conspiracy of the government for denial of citizenship to a section of people
based on communal fascist design. This is significant because the proposed
design for denial of citizenship is not only limited to Muslims based on their
religion but also against toiling masses, all the downtrodden people, against
Dalits and other oppressed people in the society. So, it is a bounden duty of
the working class to take the historic task on its shoulders and fight against
it. It's also significant because the struggles of working class, in the given
dangerous political situation, can no longer be confined to economic demands
alone and to four walls of the factory. The working class should join hands
with other struggling democratic and progressive forces to reclaim democratic
spaces and institutions, to save the constitution and secularism and to
overthrow saffron fascist forces from power. Results of Delhi elections have
proved, even though at a limited level, that the country will not bow before
corporate, communal fascist forces led by Modi, BJP and the SanghParivar.
The blatant pro-capital attack on working
class by the Modi regime, sell out of nation’s wealth, pro-corporate and
pro-multinational, anti-worker legislations, mob lynching, arrest of trade
union leaders, Left leaning intellectuals and human rights activists in the
name of ‘urban naxals’, selective killing by RSS brigade of Dhabolkar, Pansare,
kaluburgi and GowriLankesh, anti-Muslim, anti-Dalit all-pervading attacks,
putting restrictions on reservations to disadvantaged Dalits, expanding
reservations for Brahmins and upper caste, invoking imaginary ‘Love Jihad’,
establishing GaurakshaSenas, fanning hatred against beef eating, against
dissent and debate, against students and teachers, strengthening all draconian
laws, like UAPA, etc., abrogation of article 370 and making the entire Kashmir
as a vast open jail and making the entire Kashmiris as prisoners and slaves,
kidnapping, rape, gang rape, molestation, masculinity, extra judicial killings
and pograms against Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis, against the people of North
East, Imposition of Hindi, aggressive promotion of Sanskrit, the dead language
and including the recent strategic onslaught and religious discrimination in
the form of CAA, NRC, NPR, etc., are all part of the same Hitler-shahi project
of transforming secular, democratic, plural India into a Hindu Rashtra of ‘One
Nation – One Culture – One Language - One Party – One Leader’. All such actions
are part of the same fascist project and cannot be separated. Hence, working
class just cannot be concerned about anti-worker labour legislations alone as
all of them are interconnected and intertwined with each other. The working
class should also rise against this larger political project of establishing
corporate, communal, manuvadi fascist government in the name of ‘Hindu Rashtra’
led by Modi regime. The task of overthrowing fascism is a major task the
working class should shoulder in the present political situation of the
country.
Indian working class is
already experienced in the battle for driving out colonial British rulers from
the country. Throwing away fascist rulers of the day by the working class in
alliance with other struggling masses is not far away. JNUs, Jamias, AMUs and
ShaheenBaghs are showing the way forward. Working class should also join and
take the lead in fighting out the fascists for its own liberation from wage
slavery and also for the liberation of entire people of the country and also to
save the Constitution, democracy and secularism.
തൊഴിലാളിവർഗ്ഗത്തിന്നെതിരായ കടന്നാക്രമണങ്ങൾക്കെതിരെ ചെറുത്തുനില്പിന്റെ ബദൽ മാതൃകകൾ
We are in a new situation where the
established trade unionism based on permanent work place, employer - employee
relationship has all been thrown to the wind. 93 percent of the workforce in
the country is unorganized. The process is being expedited by new codes. We
need to devise new strategies and forms to organise such vast majority of
unorganized in both formal and informal industries.
The experience of textile workers of
Ahmadabad who were once the cadres of red flag turned into foot-soldiers of saffronism
in a state of desperation when their safe employment in the mills were snatched
away is to be noted. Being an unorganised worker or self-employed, they are
thrown at the mercy of local saffron politicians and are forced to invent their
enemies in Muslims or any of their own brethren and are effectively diverted
from the real danger of corporate communal Manuvadi fascism.
In such a situation, ILO is advocating
'organising through providing/ offering employment'. Some unions are also
practicing it. Such an approach is only suicidal that reverses the role of a
trade union to that of an employer. Such an approach only blunts the edge of
class struggle. We need to transcend the classical trade union barriers of
economism and confinement to four walls.
Building an alternative, militant, resistance
movement, a revolutionary movement of the working class is the only fitting
rebuff to the fascists of the day. Working class in the country still retains
the fire power, the striking power. It was quite discernible in the one day
nationwide strike of toiling masses on 8 Jan 2020. It was only a warning to the
people at the echelons of power.
Perhaps, we may have to think and decide at
some point on an indefinite strike by the entire working class of the country,
until the anti-worker legislations are rolled back, until attack on working
class is stalled, until anti worker rulers are thrown to the dustbin.
The wheels of the nation can be halted only
by the working class by aligning with other struggling forces like
student-youth, agricultural labourers, progressives and democracy lovers of the
country!
ഭാവിപ്രവർത്തനങ്ങളെക്കുറിച്ചുള്ള വീക്ഷണവും, സവിശേഷ മണ്ഡലങ്ങളുടെ തരം തിരിവ്, ഘടന, പ്രവർത്തനങ്ങളുടെ മർമ്മസ്ഥാനങ്ങൾ എന്നിവ തിരിച്ചറിയലും
•
We
have entered a stage where we may not be able to continue with the same old
practice and in the same old way. We have a corporate communal fascist rule in
the country. With the advent of neo-liberal policies, there are huge changes in
composition of working class that has made advancing trade union movement much
more difficult. Laws are enacted to protect the capital against protecting
labour from exploitation. More than 93 percent of workforce is unorganized and
majority of them in informal sector. We also find that the working class has
become much more vulnerable to influences of rightist ideas. In such a
situation, we need to make a thorough review of our practice in order to
sharpen our struggle against the current communal fascist regime.
•
Fighting
the regime is not at all possible if we do not reach out to broad mass of
workers who are unorganized. Unorganised is not a homogeneous category but is
highly fragmented. For example, if you take the case of ‘self-employed’, which
constitute more than 50 percent of total unorganized workforce, there are three
broad categories – one is micro entrepreneurs who invest some minimum capital,
employ few workers as well. Second is own labour, at best family labour, with
minimal investment like street vendors or Modi’sPakodawallahs. Third is the
category who are basically dependent on their own labour and skill but for
investing on their tools and equipments to facilitate their labour, like
electricians, plumbers, mechanics, etc.
•
The
third category of ‘self-employed’ is basically a ‘wage labour’ but with some
marginal investments. We find them mostly in rural areas as rural workers like
barbars, washer-persons, repair persons, etc., and also in urban areas as
repair persons, domestic workers, home based workers, ola, uber drivers,
bloggers, hunger saviours, delivery persons, online marketing persons, etc.
•
We
also find workers who are engaged in agriculture for few months in a year and
as rural wage workers or urban wage workers in construction sector, etc. for
the remaining part of the year. They may also be migrant workers in several
cities.
•
Then,
we find real wage labour who are dependent only on their labour for earnings
who constitute around 46 percent of entire unorganized workforce. They do not
have anything other than selling their labour power for their earnings. In this
category too, we find them engaged in informal employment in shops and
establishments where less than 10 workers are employed, in industries like sand
mining to mica mining and various other formal industries but as informal and
unorganized workforce. Workers engaged in same work, performing the same job,
in the same shop floor are being paid differently ranging from Rs. 5000 to
30,000 by changing names.
• തൊഴിലാളികളെ സംഘടിപ്പികുന്ന പ്രക്രിയയിൽ നമ്മുടെ തന്ത്രപരമായ ഊന്നൽ താഴെപ്പറയുന്ന സംഗതികളിൽ ആയിരിക്കണം –
1. സ്ഥിരം ജോലിക്കാരും എന്നാൽ ഏറെയും അസംഘടിതരും ആയവർ ജോലിചെയ്യുന്ന മേഖലകൾ- വസ്ത്രനിർമ്മാണം, എൻജിനീയറിങ്, ഗതാഗതം, കെട്ടിടനിർമ്മാണം, സർക്കാർ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങൾ തുങ്ങിയവയിൽ 20 ഓ അതിലധികമോ ആളുകൾ ജോലിചെയ്യുന്ന സ്ഥാപനങ്ങൾ
2. സംഘടിതമോ ഓഔപചാരികമോ ആയ മേഖലകളിൽ ജോലിചെയ്യുന്ന അസംഘടിതരായ തൊഴിലാളികൾ- കരാർ തൊഴിലാളികളോ ,ട്രെയിനികളോ, അപ്രന്റീസുകളോ , നിശ്ചിത കാലത്തേക്ക് നിയമിക്കപ്പെടുന്നവരോ, പകരക്കാരായി നിയമിക്കപ്പെടുന്നവരോ ആയിരിക്കാം അവർ. ആശാ വർക്കേഴ്സ്,, അംഗൻവാടി വർക്കേഴ്സ്, സ്കൂളുകളിൽ ഉച്ച ഭക്ഷണം തയ്യാറാക്കുന്നവർ തുടങ്ങി വിവിധ സ്കീമുകളിൽ ജോലിചെയ്യുന്നവരും, സ്വകാര്യ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളിലോ സർക്കാർ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളിലോ ജോലി ചെയ്യുന്ന സമാന വിഭാഗങ്ങളും അതിൽപ്പെടുന്നു.
3. ചെറുകിട കച്ചവടസ്ഥാപനങ്ങൾ പോലുള്ള അനൗപചാരിക മേഖലകളിൽ ദിവസവേതനത്തിന് ജോലിചെയ്യുന്നവർ, തൊഴിലുറപ്പ് പദ്ധതിയിലും മണൽ വാരൽ , ഗാർഹിക തൊഴിൽ എന്നിവ മുതൽ , ഗ്രാമങ്ങളിലും നഗരങ്ങളിലും സമാനമായ മറ്റ് മേഖലകളിൽ പണിയെടുക്കുന്നവർ വരെ
4. ‘ സ്വയം തൊഴിൽ ' മേഖലകൾ ആയ പ്ലംബർ ,ഇലക്ട്രിഷ്യൻ , മെക്കാനിക്ക് , റിപ്പെയർ ജോലികൾ എന്നിവ
5. ' സ്വന്തമായി കച്ചവടം , ബിസിനസ് , ചെറിയ ഭക്ഷണ ശാലകൾ , തെരുവ് കച്ചവടം മുതലായവ നടത്തുന്നവർ
[Please refer the paper on changing
composition of workforce presented in all-India cadre workshop]
Construction,
trade, transportation and storage, miscellaneous services including real estate
brokerage, education, health and social work, business services, hotels and
restaurants, Gems, Jewellery and misc. manufacturing, food products, beverages
and tobacco and financial services which are top 10 employment generating
industries may also be considered to be our focal points.
വർഗ്ഗ സമരത്തിന്റെ വ്യത്യസ്ത മാതൃകകൾ
Contradiction
between capital and labour, between super profit and poor wages provides space
for trade unions and class struggle. In the backdrop of neo-liberal policies,
traditional workers, based on an identifiable workplace, employer-employee
relationship, purely dependent on wages, permanent employment, etc., have
decreased drastically. In such a situation, there are different types of models
of organizing informal workers are emerging. SEWA is an organization that
depended mostly on self-employed workers, particularly by offering employment
to people under desperation. It has also become one of the recognized unions in
the country. International Labour Organisation (ILO) is proposing various
models that are basically dependent on offering employment and simultaneously
union membership and also on the capacity to build relationships. There is no
single formula for organizing informal workforce. Organsing methods and
strategies may vary from work place to work place, industry to industry, from
union to union. Different unions have experienced and experimented with various
forms and styles. One of the ILO papers has narrated various models of
organizing. Cooperative models, Study
Circle model, SHGs, Welfare support, hieratical network approaches, friendship
houses, skill development, IT training, social mobilizing are some of the
models recommended by ILO and many imperialist organizations to organize
informal sector workers. SEWA like organizations are already practicing these
models of forming union through income generation methods like running computer
centres and establishing SHGs. The ILO paper argues that realizing decent work
and cooperatisation in informal economy may be an effective form of
unionization.
Another
is experience of port workers where first interaction with workers was through
addressing their immediate concerns like health insurance, BPL cards, ration
cards etc. These activities were of nature of confidence building measures and
gradually, workers also got organized in unions based on the confidence they
gained.
Another
paper by a Mumbai based Worker research unit (RUPE) suggests formation of
coalitions of various factory based unions and industrial estate based
coalitions of independent unions to be new models. They consider
MazdoorAdhikarSangharshAbhiyan (MASA) is formed along these lines.
But,
as a trade union committed to end the exploitation, we cannot resort to any
method that would blunt the edge of class struggle and also that are mostly of
apolitical in nature. At the same time, experimenting with newer forms, even if
not strictly political but social and others, were also have to be encouraged
if that can facilitate class struggle. Industrial estate based coalitions and
independent trade unions may also be one of the methods but it just cannot be a
panacea.
ഇടക്കാല സംഘടനാ രൂപം എന്ന നിലയിൽ ' ഫോറങ്ങൾ '
Forming
forums may also be a tool to fight growing rightist influences among workers.
Forums may also have to take up non-economic issues and demands in addition to
economic issues in order to attract mass of workers. Study circles, reading
groups, film shows and festivals, undertaking social investigations on a
regular basis, regular classes on exploitation, profit, surplus value, state,
etc., based on a syllabus, addressing issues of social dignity and gender
violence, taking up housing and other issues, organizing the unorganized in
select cases, etc., may be operating terrains of forums.
If
individual unions focused on struggle against exploitation by specific
employers and if the trade union centre focused on struggles against the state
and on policy related matters, forums may have to focus on politicization of
working class. That may be a basic unit of working class work mainly in
grassroots.
Trade
unions operating among predominantly women and downtrodden castes like
sanitation workers, will have to integrate demands of gender violence and
social dignity as part of the movement. In addition to wage issues, we may also
have to take up issues like housing, issues related to working conditions, etc.
There
is an urgent need to reorient our work among construction workers from ‘welfare
board centric’ one to ‘class struggle centric’ and centredaround the struggles
against the state for increased benefits. New code has already proposed
dilution of construction welfare board itself.
Scheme
workers are identified to be the sections of working class in turmoil and
churning. In case of scheme workers, majority of whom are women, integrating gender
violence related aspects can also be part of the process. We need to give
priority and greater emphasis to organize them.
We
have a federation in railways which is the only Left federation as on date. We
have to develop it as an alternative centre and rallying centre of all
progressive and Left forces in railways. We need to take all possible efforts
to organize rail workers both in urban and rural areas. We may have to focus on
organizing contract and other unorganized workers in railways in addition to
focusing on sections and departments of railways in each zone that are the
targets of government policies. Streamlining the new federation and also taking
up issues related to social role of working class are also to be stressed.
ഫാസിസത്തെ ചെറുത്തു തോൽപ്പിക്കൽ
Reaching
out to broad mass of workers and mobilise them in huge numbers is a
precondition to fight out the fascist rule. It is possible only by reaching out
to grassroots. Our demonstrations and campaigns tend to get confined to our
second or third level leadership and a small base of workers. Communal fascist
ideas are knocking every door right from villages to urban areas and cities. In
that context, carrying our counter ideas to the grassroots assumes a greater
importance. Slogans, Demands, forms of organization and forms of struggle have
to be evolved with innovative approach depending on the objective situation on
hand.
When workers are unorganized, inflicted by unemployment, poverty,
inequality, misery, uncertain future and desperation, they become victim of
rightist, communal influences and become foot soldiers of fascism. There are
many more instances as well. Indications are that we would only end up in such
situations in the coming days, where workers would be left without any
security, job, wage and social security in legal terms. Now, we find trade
unions to be mainly dependent on applicable labour laws for any remedy. But,
what would be our response when we enter a phase where no legal remedy is
possible, when worker cannot be found in any definite workplace, when
permanency is not at all possible, when even barest minimum social security
like ESI, PF, Gratuity, etc., are diluted and are stolen away. We are entering
a phase where trade union movement is systematically being thrown to the winds,
where existence of trade union movement in itself is under question mark.
Unless we change our ways, unless we find our own bearing, we cannot fight
right reaction. Latest instances of workers struggle were only Maruti, Pricol,
Graciano, Yenam, etc., when no remedy was possible in normal course. The BJP
government is only pushing workers to the margins. We have to rise with all our
might to fight back. That is the only answer.
തൊഴിലാളിവർഗ്ഗ ത്തിന്റെ സംഘടിത പോരാട്ടവും ഐക്യവും
Despite its overwhelming majority in
Parliament and escalating brutal attack on the working class, the pro-corporate
Modi-led BJP government, had to face wide-spread anger and stiff resistance of workers
and common people within days of coming to power for the second time.
Against 100% FDI, corporatization and
privatization, ordnance factoryworkers throughout the country went on 5-days
strike from 20 August 2019. Railway employees, particularly those of production
units, have gone on long drawn agitation. Coal workers called for a historic
strike on 24th September 2019. Bank employees went on strike, first
on 22nd October 2019 and then on 31 January - 1 February this year,
against mega-merger of PSU banks. BPCL and HPCL workers resorted to a massive
strike against privatization on 28th November 2019. Telangana Road
Transport workers went on almost a month long strike from 5th
October 2019 braving mass scale dismissal. Besides these major strikes and
agitational actions, the country also witnessed powerful struggles including
strike actions of workers of scheme, construction and sanitation, and factory
workers in several states. As a unique agitationalprogramme, in W. Bengal, all
the constituents of Joint Platform of trade unions and federations organised a
200 KM. long Padyatra (Long March) from Chittaranjan Loco Works to Kolkata
against privatization and on other demands. The Padyatra, involving more than a
lakh workers and people, started on 30th November and converged into
a massive rally at Kolkata on 11th December 2019. Another Padyatra
was organized on the same day from Coochbehar to Siliguri in North Bengal,
converging into a massive rally at Siliguri.
Amid this surge in workers’ struggle at
sectoral and state levels and particularly the nation-wide anti-CAA-NRC-NPR
agitation, the call of All-India General
Strike on 8th January 2020 by the Joint Platform
of trade unions and federations proved to be an important milestone in the
ongoing peoples’ struggle against Modi-2 regime. The strike was not only
unprecedented in terms of participation of workers, notably scheme workers,but also
received a massive support by various
sections of society including students, agriculturallabour and peasants.
Since the Modi government assumed power
in 2014, the working class in the country is on a path of relentless struggle,
with several sectoral and nation-wide strikes, including one day general strike
each on 2nd September 2015 and 2016. It was followed by 3 days
sit-in (Mahadharna) at Jantar-Mantar,Delhi on 9 to 11 November 2017 while the Parliament
was in session. Scheme Workers went on an all India strike on 17th
January 2018. All these agitational and strike actions
culminated into two days general strike by working class on 8-9 January 2019.
AICCTU played a commendable role,
leading from front in some states, in making these strikes and agitational
actions a great success.
അഖിലേന്ത്യാടിസ്ഥാനത്തിൽ നടന്ന പ്രധാനപ്പെട്ട ചില
മുൻകൈ പ്രവർത്തനങ്ങളും പുതിയ വികാസവും ഒറ്റ നോട്ടത്തിൽ
മുൻകൈ പ്രവർത്തനങ്ങളും പുതിയ വികാസവും ഒറ്റ നോട്ടത്തിൽ
After our last conference, as our own independent
initiative, we launched a Campaign against Demonetization (Notebandi) from 7th February to early
March 2017. Then we undertook a campaign from10 September, 2018, to culminate
into nation-wide protest programmes on 28 September against attacks by Modi
Govt. on the working class. “Oust Modi govt., Save workers’ Rights, Save
Employment, Save Democracy” was our main slogan in our struggles against Modi
government’s agenda of corporate, communal fascist attack. Then,in the regime
of Modi-2.0, an All India Protest Day was observed,on 25th July 2019 at divisional and
zonal levels, along with
affiliates of IREF against 100 days action plan and wholesale
privatisation and sell- out of Indian Railways. Also, 15 days campaign from 9th
August to 24th August 2019 was launched against intensified attacks of
Modi-2 Regime on entire working class combined with its continuing agenda of
spreading communal hatred and division. Against
Thoothukudi massacre - firing on innocent protesters against Sterlite in Tamil
Nadu - continuous protests was organized by us in the state and a call was
given by us for week-long country-wide protests.
AICCTU was actively involved in
commemoration of 200th birth anniversary year of Karl Marx and
Centenary of Great November Revolution.
AICCTU at present is actively
involved among workers in the movement against CAA-NRC-NPR package.
AICCTU നയിച്ച സമരങ്ങൾ ക്കുനേരെയും നേതാക്കൾക്ക് നേരെയും നടന്ന ആക്രമണങ്ങൾ
‘Free Pricol 8’ Campaign: Just 6 months after our last
conference, we faced a major attack in Tamil Nadu. Eight workers of an automobile
major, Pricol Ltd., Coimbatore, were sentenced to double Life Imprisonment by a
special court on 3 December 2015,without even a shred of evidence against them,
and just to appease corporate capital. Pricol workers were falsely implicated
in the case of unfortunate death of Pricol HR Vice-President Roy J George six
years ago, in the month of September 2009. Clearly, this inhuman, brutal verdict
was aimed at breaking the morale of Pricol workers, who under the leadership of
AICCTU, were struggling for their trade union rights, right to recognition of
the union of their will and choice. The said verdict was a warning to the
entire working class either to submit before the current political-economic
attack on labour laws and unions- or else to get criminalized.But despite this brutal
attack and the prevalence of white terror, workers gathered, held a mass
convention on 6 December 2015 and resolved to carry forward their struggle for
justice. Even in their most difficult times they collected and contributed Rs.
5 lakh as Relief Fund for the flood affected people of Tamil Nadu and
Puducherry. Earlier, these workers have contributed funds in solidarity with
Maruti struggle as well.
As a part of the call
of AICCTU, a series of protest demonstrations and conventions were held
throughout the country from January to March 2016 in solidarity with Pricol
workers struggle, against this verdict and on the demand of Release of these 8
workers. Apart from various districts of Tamil Nadu, such programmes were held
in state capitals and various districts including Delhi and also in many
industrial towns across the country. Solidarity Fund was also raised from all
over the country to support their continuing struggle. Several central trade
unions joined these programmes and a joint resolution was also adopted
centrally by all central TUs. The solidarity messages were sent by WFTU and
Japan Rly. Workers’ Union (JRU). In March 2016 they celebrated their one decade
of struggles.
A booklet was also
published in Tamil, English and Hindi on ‘Free the Pricol 8’. The Tamil booklet
was released jointly by the leaders of CPI-ML, CPM and CPI in Coimbatore.
Despite
the attacks by management, Pricol workers also responded to central Trade
unions’ call for one day strike in support of peasants' demands on
25.04.2017.Pricol management hit back with 8 day wage cut for 803 workers.
Workers went on an indefinite strike demanding roll back of wage cut along with
other issues from 21.08.2018.After tripartite proceedings strike came to an end
on 03.12.2018.But, Management took the offensive by transferring 294 workmen to
units located in other states.Transfer orders were stayed by High court.Inspite
of that,Management retrenched the transferred workers citing they have not
obeyed its orders.
In this
background State government was pressured to promulgate for the third time in
the history section 10(1),10(3) of central ID act and section 10 (b) of
state amendment against Pricol management.It is a shot in the arm for workers
movement.Now the whole thing is referred to tribunal by the above orders and
Tribunal is yet to complete its proceedings.
Meanwhile, as a partial but a Big
Victory, 6 out of 8 Pricol workers have been acquitted by the Madras HC some
time back. Management Appeal against acquittal of other 16 comrades has also
been dismissed. Two comrades,Manivannan
and Ramamurthy are still languishing in jail and the case is before the Supreme
Court now.
But, the management illegally
retrenched all strong supporters of our union numbering around 300 who refused
to join the management sponsored union led by AITUC. The management has also
signed an agreement with the pro-management union. With the unfortunate development
of some of our leading comrades abandoning AICCTU, the management is on a
relentless attack on workers and most of them are engaged in court cases now.
Irrespective of whatever developments inside and outside Pricol, we are
committed wholeheartedly to advance the struggle of Pricol workers towards
victory. AICCTU will always stand with workers of Pricol and their struggle in
all possible manners. We are more than willing to redouble our commitment and
efforts to wage all possible battles to secure the release of Comrades
Manivannan and Ramamurthy who are still in jail and also to help in all
possible ways to help their families to eke out a living, including their
children’s education.
Since
our last conference, our leaders were physically attackedwhile defending the
rights of workers and resisting the Modi government’s communal designs in some
states. AICCTU leader Comrade Zafar Husain Khan of Pratapgarh,
Rajasthan was killed on 16 June 2017 by a mob of Government officials, as a
direct consequence of ‘Modi’sSwachcha Bharat Abhiyan’, for resisting their
attempts to harass and humiliate poor women defecating in the open for lack of
toilets in the locality. Immediately, a week-long country-wide protest campaign
was organized from 17 June, apart from state wide protest demonstrations in
Rajasthan.
On
19 May 2016, the Uttarakhand state AICCTU Secretary com. KK Bora was brutally
attacked with rods by goons of management of Minda factory while he was going
to Rudrapur by an auto. Just a day before, the police tried to forcibly arrest
him when he was visiting the labour office for a tripartite meeting in this
regard. Against this attack and on demand of arrest of goons and the
management, a series of protest demonstrations and conventions throughout the
state were held for a month including Anti Repression Day on 26 June. At the
call of AICCTU, demonstrations were held in various states and a memorandum was
also sent to state CM. Other some other CTUs also extended support.
Similarly, on 2nd
June 2017, com. Bhagwant Singh Samaon, the president of MazdoorMuktiMorcha was
attacked by goons connected with Akali Dal, when he was addressing a meeting of
agricultural workers in a village in Mansa. On the demand of immediate arrest
of attackers, a big rally was organized on 10 June by MazdoorMuktiMorcha and
Punjab Kisan Union, apart from other programmes.
Another national initiative of
importance, regarding cadre building, wasan
all-India Workshop of young and emerging working class cadres and activists,
held on 31st August-1st Sep 2019, at Bhubaneswaron ‘Challenges of Working Class Movement Today’,
which was a great success, followed by workshops at state and district levels.
Also, AICCTU published a booklet in English and Hindi - ‘Modi
govt.’s attacks on working class’.
സംസ്ഥാന തലത്തിലും മേഖലാടിസ്ഥാനത്തിലും നടന്ന മുൻകൈ പ്രവർത്തനങ്ങൾ, പുതുതായുണ്ടായ വികാസം
Some noteworthy struggles and
initiatives by our unions were:
On 14 August 2018, more than 1000 workers and youth from all over
Tamil Nadu assembled and held a March towards Legislative Assembly demanding
protection to non-permanent workers by framing rules for the recently amended
state standing Order Act.We
also held impressive state level rally in Kolkata some time back.
In Delhi, our union in DTC organized
first ever strike of contract workers, apart from various initiatives on
industrial front and particularly on the issue of workers being killed in
factory fires and accidents.
Similarly in Assam, major initiative
was taken with the slogan of ‘save industry, save workers’ and in W. Bengal also
by transport workers’ union.
Recently there were repeated
strikes and other forms of struggles of Tea Workers’ in W. Bengal and
Assam. AICCTU as part of the joint committees and as a part of leadership,
played a commendable role.
Initiatives
have been taken on issues of Migrant workers particularly in Jharkhand and
Puduchhery and on the issues of construction workers in Punjab (65 days
successful sit-in -dharna in Mansa). Significantly, our Construction workers
union is making much progress in Punjab recently.
കൂടുതൽ സമീപകാലത്തെ വികാസം - Apart from formation of new unions
and some other unions getting affiliated to us in some states and sectors, the
notable expansions are:
J&K:
Here we have held our first conference on 22 Dec. 2019 against all odds,
involving around 10 unions. Our union took the leading role by holding a rally
of around 1000 workers on 8 Jan. 2020 in an industrial area of Jammu.
Railways:
As a major development in our work in Rlys., India Railways Employees
Federation (IREF) has got affiliated with us.
The
union in Kassipore Gun and Shell Factory, W. Bengal close to us for long time
has finally got affiliated with AICCTU.
Since our last conference, we have made considerable
expansion in Andhra Pradesh and Telanganaamong
various sections of unorganized workers with a remarkable increase in our
membership. Now after national conference, we are planning for state conf. in
A.P.
Also,
in Karnataka new expansion has
taken place, since last conference, among different other sections like port
workers in Mangalore, Readymix workers, catering workers of Airport, workers of
Libraries of Bangalore Corporation and hospital workers, among others. We need
to organize first state conference of AICCTU immediately.
In Haryana, we
have also made a beginning by organizing Brick-Kiln workers in some districts;
in Punjab, we have made a considerable expansion among various sections of
unorganized workers and we need to organize first state conference of AICCTU
immediately.
കരാർ തൊഴിലാളികൾ നടത്തിയ പ്രധാനപ്പെട്ട ചില സമരങ്ങൾ
സർക്കാർ വകുപ്പുകളിൽ - ബിഹാറിൽ
With
the advent of New economic policies, rampant contractualization of work force
in government departments, central and state, gained momentum.
In
Bihar, AICCTU and Non-gazetted State Employees’ Federation (Gope) took
initiative to organize these contract/honorarium based workers employed in
various govt. departments. To begin with, departmental level struggles were
organized. In order to fulfil the need for uniting these employees with common
demands, an initiative was taken to form an umbrella platform. Just before the
LokSabha elections - 2014, a federation with the participation of 14
organizations was launched by name – “Bihar state contract-honorarium
employees’ joint forum- Bihar RajyaAnubandh – MandayaNiyojitSevakarmisanyuktMorcha”.
After the formation of this federation the struggle got further intensified and
culminated in Bihar Bandhon 28 Dec. 2014 with the participation of 22
organizations. Since our last conference in Patna in May 2015, the movement has
grown by leaps and bounds. In the year 2015, the state election year in Bihar,
these workers went on strike action continuously from January to August. NitishKumar
led govt. was forced to concede several demands of the movement including regularization
of services of contract employees. A High-powered Committee under the chairmanship
of former Principal Secretary of the govt was formed. But as usual, the govt.
continued to delay the publication and notification of final recommendations of
the committee. Due to incessant pressuresbuilt up by the workers movement, the
govt. notified the recommendations of the committeein September 2018. This was
historical because several demands of contract employees of govt departments in
the state were fulfilled, leading to betterment of the lives of these employees.
The demands include regularization of services till the age of retirement/the
duration of the scheme, equal pay for equal work, EPF and ESI coverage,
compensation of Rs. 4 lakh to the dependents in case of death of an employee while
on service. Despite being one of the best notifications, these recommendations
have been implemented only in few departments till date. In the backdrop of
poor implementation of those recommendations, the need for a new phase of
struggles has come to the fore, particularly in the light of increasing attacks
on working class including Fixed Term Employment, Floor Wages and social
security.
Also,
the teachers of Primary schools and +2 (who were previously contract based) are
on a path of struggle demanding equal pay for equal work under the banner of four
teachers’ organizations affiliated with the Federation of contract employees
and Non-gazetted State Employees’ Federation (Gope).
Another
major experience is that of organizing contract based ANM (R) under the banner,
“Bihar Rajya ANM (R) contract employees’ Union”. These workers went on a
longdrawn and militant strike, from 2nd November to 23rd
December 2017, including gherao of ministerial block, demanding regularization
and payment of “same pay” till regularization. This strike struggle had to face
police lathi-charge and arrest of leaders of the Federation, Com. Rambali
Prasad and Prem Kumar Sinha.The outcome was 5 percent increase in honorarium
and regularisation of the services of 6293 ANMs out of 7000in August-September
2019 under the direction of Bihar Selection Commission. Now the struggle is on
for regularization of left-out ANM (R)s, and the govt. has now started the
process to this effect. This is an important and encouraging achievement and a
major boost to the trade union movement led by our fraternal union of
government employees of Bihar. This is a significant experience in the struggle
for regularization of contract employees working in govt. departments.
മംഗലൂരുവിൽ നടന്ന തുറമുഖത്തൊഴിലാളി സമരം
The strike under
the leadership of newly formed All India Port Workers’ Federation” (affiliated
to AICCTU) began on 29 January 2018 and ended on 06 February 2018. The strike
was not just about wages but was squarely aimed at industrial anarchy, that
prevailed in New Mangalore Port Trust (NMPT) and to expose the role of central
and state governments in workers’ welfare and implementation of labour laws.
These thousands of shipping
workers doing the same work
enjoy no protection and are paid less than minimum wages, no mandatory ESI
cover, no PF, no pension, and even no national holiday.
More
than 5000 workers signed the petition with the strike demands. As the most
important aspect of this strike, it was organized challenging and thwarting the
attempts of communally dividing these workers.
This was
the first-ever strike by this section of workers in the last 40 years in NMPT
or any other port across the country.
Earlier,
there was a successful 5-day strike at Tuticorin – but that was against Port
Trust, and the employers had played a neutral role as it was beneficial for
them also.
Workers
organised a collective strike kitchen at the spot of the struggle, with other
unions like that of Readymix Concrete Company, Bangalore donating a day’s food.
Students in Mangalore displayed solidarity with the striking workers.
Mangalore
is the epicentre of vicious communal politics of the SanghParivar – and every
effort was made to use this politics to divide the shipping company workers. We
prepared a questionnaire on the port workers’ issues and spoke with the 300
workers in detail, and were able to penetrate the communal smokescreen. In
General Body meetings of workers of all companies, also, the speeches of our
union leaders exposing communal politics made an impact on the workers, many of
whom had voted for the BJP.
Even,
the NMPT Secretary issued statements quoting the unions of NMPT regular employees
against our Union. Shipping company managements openly asked workers to leave
our union and join the tame, pro-management unions. Some prominent BJP leaders
and BJP-affiliated owners asked workers who were members of BJP to stop
rallying under the ‘hammer and sickle’ union.
This
class unity is remarkable and significant in Mangalore which is sharply
polarised on communal lines, and where the working class is used as fodder for
communal violence. How could we achieve this class unity? Only by sticking to
the basic work style and organising principles of communists: our activists won
the confidence of workers with their hard work and consistency, by showing full
confidence in the workers who were involved in every decision made by the
Union, and by patiently tackling communal ideas head-on and exposing the ways
in which communal politics served the class interests of the shipping
companies.
It is
all the more remarkable that workers of 19 separate shipping companies
operating in the Port were united – this was far more challenging than forming
unions in single companies. We confronted the worst lumpen employers who are
backed by or who themselves are underworld dons, criminals and politically
powerful employers like ex-BJP ministers.
Alongside
the strike, we also continued to tap every available legal avenue. Ultimately,
everyone had to come around, the employers had to accept all the demands and
sought time of 60 days in front of the Deputy Chief Labour Commissioner
(Central) to implement the agreement, and on this basis, the strike was
withdrawn for the time being.
ഡെൽഹിയിലെ ഗതാഗത തൊഴിലാളികളുടെ സമരം
On 29th October 2018, More
than 11,000 contract workers and a sizeable section of permanent workers
observed a one-day strike, which was historic and unique. This was the first
strike of DTC workers after 1989, preceded by a unique form, hitherto unseen in
DTC, of strike ballot across all the Delhi Transport Corporation Depots in the
city. Various other unconventional and novel forms of struggleswere also
undertaken. ‘Namak – Roti-Mirch (salt-chapati-chillies) Dharna’
and organizing shows of a short film ‘Chakka Jam’ –(a glimpse into the homes
and daily lives of the contract workers) were some of those forms adopted in addition
to immensely successful strike ballot.
DTC, like any other state transport corporations and govt.
departments, is under the attack of contractulization and privatization. The
immediate and urgent demand of the strike was withdrawal of circular on the
reduction of salary by Delhi govt. done under the pretext of a Delhi High Court
order quashing, on technical grounds, the notification of the Delhi state govt.
to revise the minimum wage for skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled workers. Apart
from their long standing demands of equal pay for equal work, regularization
and halting privatization and strengthening of DTC remains the best solution
for a robust, affordable and environment friendly public transport in Delhi. While
picketing in different depots of DTC several union leaders were detained and
arrested early in the morning. But braving all the repressive measures and
intimidations by the govt., the workers organized a heroic, successful strike
and forced the govt. to withdraw the circular.
Strike ballot was conducted between 25 and 28 of September
2018, in which more than ten thousand votes for the strike ballot were cast by
DTC workers in over 40 depots across the length and breadth of the capital.
Both contractual and permanent workers of the DTC participated and voted
enthusiastically in the strike ballot even though in many depots the Depot
Managers dissuaded the workers from participating in the voting. 10,069
workers, i.e. an overwhelming majority, 98 percentof contract workers voted in
favour of the strike.
The
strike and the preceding struggle initiated by AICCTU affiliated “DTC Workers’ Unity Centre” received
unprecedented support. All Central Trade Unions, other than BMS, supported the
call for strike. Leaders from various unions came out in full solidarity with
striking workers during the entire day. Workers from Haryana Roadways, who have
been protesting against privatisation polices by Haryana’s BJP Government,
addressed a gathering of striking workers in one of the bus depots. Bezwada
Wilson of SafaiKarmchariAndolan and Rajib Ray of DUTA also expressed their
solidarity with the DTC workers’ movement.
പുതുച്ചേരിയിലെ സമരം
Since 2018 we are having our trade
union activities in four units of Larsen and Toubro(L&T) in Puducherry.
There are about 1500 non-permanent workers in these four units. The Management
of L&T claim them as contract workers. These workers were denied even
minimum wages and statutory overtime wages.
After the formation of our union
“L&T JananayakaThozhilalarSangam”, we were able to achieve minimum wages to
all non-permanent workers including house-keeping and security guards and also
legal overtime wages.
During our union activities two
migrant workers met with fatal accidents with in a span of one year. One was
from Odisha and the other was from W. Bengal. Initially the Management was
reluctant to pay compensation. But due to our sustained efforts, forcing the
intervention of ruling party MLA and the Labour minister, we were able to get a
compensation of rupees fifteen lakhs to the Odisha’s deceased
worker’sdependents and of rupees twenty lakhs to Bengal’s deceased
worker’sdependents along with one lakh rupees for his funeral expenses. The
Management also agreed to air lift the bodiesof both workers to their home
towns at its cost. Such compensations for the deaths of contract workers in
accidents were never given before.
In one another case of factory
accident in one Ganges Steels International, a worker got one of his legs
amputated. After a protracted struggle, we were able to get a compensation of
6.5 lakhs rupees.
In another case, in one Glass
manufacturing factory namely M/s Ace Glass Industries where contract workers
were employed in the manual sand sieving section and affected by notorious
'Slicosis',seven workers died. Even though we did not have trade union in that
factory we took up the cause of those affected women workers. We demanded
compensation to all affected workers including all those died due to the
disease. Initially, the government of Puducherrygave some compensation to the
affected surviving workers,but the Management of Ace Glass industries was
reluctant to give compensation citing the reason that workers were availing ESI
benefits and asked workers to approach ESI for relief. After nearly twenty
years of legal battle, finally the Puducherry government,under Supreme Court
instructions, ordered nearly one crore rupees to be paid by Ace Glass
industries to workers.
ഫെഡറേഷനുകൾ
റെയിൽവേയ്‌സ്
Railway
trade union movement is in cross roads. The attacks from the government and the
Railway administration keeps increasing manifold. The government is moving in
the direction of dismantling railways and handing it over on a platter to
private and multinational companies in a gradual and step by step manner.
Permanent workforce in railways keeps decreasing. Informal workforce and
outsourcing is in ascendance. But, unfortunately, established trade unions are
maintaining conspicuously grave silence. There is no major struggle worth
mentioning since 1974. Railway trade union movement is dormant.
But
objective situation demands a fitting response on the part of trade unions and
railway workers movement. In such a situation, we need a strong union,
struggling union, an alternative union with an alternative vision and program
to revitalise and resurrect railway workers movement.
AICCTU was working among Railway employees with its
own radical orientation in some zones and production units. As a major
breakthrough, a federation (emerging as an alternative to the established
federations in Railways) by the name of “Indian Railway Employees' Federation”
(IREF) in its 2nd national conference held at Allahabad on 29-30
March, 2019 affiliated itself with AICCTU. This alternative centre of movement
in railways was born in most difficult times and out of struggles against all
out attacks of the administration since last 20 years at Rail Coach Factory,
Kapurthala, Punjab. All workers of the unit unitedly fought series of struggles
against privatisation move by the then govt. in the year 2006, exposing the
passive and compromising role of the established unions operating in the
factory. In the course of affiliation with AICCTU, the federation reoriented
itself to act as a centre of alternative radical railway workers movement and
developed alternative approach to the issues of railway workers through its
second conference at Allahabad in 2019. The federation resolved to work towards
emerging as a centre of all progressive and Left forces in railways. Being the
only Left federation in railways, the federation has created a great enthusiasm
among the Railway employees. At present, this Federation has affiliated unions
in 10 Zones and 5 Production units – Pus (RCF Kapurthala, DMW Patiala, MCF
Raebareli, DLW Varanasi and CLW, Chittaranjan).
Also, a “National Front against NPS in Railways” is
associated with IREF which is continuously organising struggles along with
NMOPS, as a unique initiative in Rlys. on the demand of withdrawing NPS and
restoring OPS. We should make all-out efforts to organize this new generation
of permanent employees who are facing attack on their future in the form of
NPS, as they constitute the vibrant, dynamic movemental force in Rlys.
The Modi 2.0 regime announced a 100-Days Action
Plan for Privatisation/corporatization of Indian Railways. IREF under the
leadership of AICCTU swung into action, launched continuous
agitationalprogrammes throughout the Railways from 24th June, 2019. At the call
of AICCTU and IREF, All India Protest Day was observed by all the affiliated
Unions on 25th July, 2019. Notably, having failed to implement 100-day action
programme, the Kapurthala management tried to outsource production of one rake
(train) of Humsafar Exp. to be built within the factory to a Private company.
This nefarious attempt united all workers under the banner RCF BachaoSangharsh
Committee and the sinister move of the government was thwarted. Two of our
leaders were suspended and many charge sheeted, but the management was forced
to withdraw these punitive actions as well. Similarly, in DMW Patiala too our
leaders were victimized, but after a long struggle the management had to take
back the action.
Since the Modi government is determined to hand
over profitable Production Units (PUs) to corporates, it was felt to coordinate
the ongoing movements of all 7 Production Units. Accordingly, “RCF
KapurthalaBachaoSangharsh Committee” took initiative to coordinate struggle
activities of all production units all over the country and convened an all
India Convention at Mavalankar Hall in New Delhi on 8th December, 2019 where
more than 500 delegates participated. A resolution was adopted for the
formation of a National level Co-ordination Committee to spearhead the movement
against Privatisation in railway production units. Representatives from some
other PUs, like ICF, Perumbur also attended. In this convention leaders of CTUs
were also invited, and apart from AICCTU, leaders from CITU, AITUC along with
representatives from different Rly. Federations and categorical unions like
NFIR, IREF, RMU,NMOPS, NFANPS, AIGC addressed the Convention. Subsequently, in
a meeting at Raebareli with the representatives from each Joint Action
Committee operating in each PU, a National Co-ordination Committee was
constituted.
For the first time in recent past, notably in
support of 8th January All India Strike, an active campaign was
launched in Rlys. by IREF and its affiliated Unions, in the form of
conventions, Dharnas, Gate meetings, etc., in support of the strike demands as
well as against the divisive politics of CAA-NRC-NPR package.
With the birth of an alternative Federation with
Left and democratic orientation, there has been a spurt in the activities in
the Railways. Developing this Federation as an alternative for the lakhs of
Rly. employees and strengthening its Left and democratic orientation, along
with improving its functioning, making it more efficient are the foremost tasks
before us.
The employment of contract/temporary workers in
Railways like other govt. sectors, is becoming a norm. So, for us, organizing
them in unions has emerged as a major issue and task. Although we are making
efforts to this cause, we need to further intensify our efforts to make it a
major task of our practice.
Presently in Railways, as a result of
our efforts we have active contract workers’ unions in 3 Zones.
In South Eastern Railway we have a
registered union of contract workers ‘South Eastern Railway ThikaShramik
Union’ mainly among AC coach attendants and Coach cleaning workers in Kharagpur
Division. In 2019, a movement was launched demanding statutory Bonus payment.The
management of Dynamic services, the contractor, was gheraoed and finally the
management conceded to the demands. Similarly, Duronto Exp. (Howrah- YPR)
was detained protesting against the retrenchment of 9 contract workers and on
the demand of their reinstatement. In Ranchi, a section of sanitation workers
were reinstated through talks followed by demonstrations. Efforts are going on
to expand the union at Tata in Chakradharpur Division and Bokaro in Adra
Division.
East coast Railway contract labour
union in Odisha fought a long-drawn battle for15 days in November (15 to 28)
against illegal retrenchment of 32 contract workers. Finally, the workers won
the battle and the authority was forced to reinstate all retrenched workers.
We
have a contract workers’ union in Allahabad division of NCR Railways which is
continuously on path of struggle.
കെട്ടിടനിർമ്മാണ മേഖല
All
India Construction Workers’ Federation (AICWF), our first federation of any
segment of workers, is functioning in a regular and efficient manner and
regularly taking initiatives from above. It held its 3rd All-India
conference at Ranchi on 29-30 September 2016. Since this conference, it has
taken up many agitational and propaganda programmes which include an all-India
Protest on 19-20 June 2017 demanding Justice to martyr com. JaffarHussain;
All-India Demand Day of Construction Workers on 29th June 2017 with
district level demonstrations; and
All-India Protest Day on 20th November 2019 with state level
demonstrations preceded by district level demonstrations. A Signature Campaign
among construction workers was organised against 4 labour codes, which will
lead to winding up of 36 state BOCW Boards and siphoning-off of thousands of
crore rupees of welfare fund, and against anti-working class policies of the
Modi government.
The
unions affiliated with the Federation played commendable role in mobilizing
construction workers In Maha-Dharna (sit-in) of workers before Parliament on 10th
Nov. 2017, and All India General Strikes of 8-9 January 2019 and again on 8
January 2020, besides other strikes against Modi govt. Construction workers
under banner of AICWF are generally in the forefront in implementation of
various programmes and initiatives of AICCTU.
AICWF,
internationally an affiliate of UITBB (an international federation of
construction and building workers affiliated to WFTU).
After
agricultural workers, we have achieved biggest expansion amongst construction
workers, and in many states this sector constitute biggest membership of
AICCTU. At present our construction unions are present in around 19 states with
Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, J&K and Kerala as newest states of expansion. In
most of these states, the unions are spread over many districts, holding state
level conferences, although not very regularly. The unions are taking state
level initiatives on issues of construction workers and to achieve benefits for
workers and to mobilize workers in political initiatives and programmes.
For
further expansion and to develop as a major force in this second largest
segment of workforce, AICWF has planned to focus on some major cities with
particular emphasis on organizingconstruction workers against thecorporate
companies in construction sector and big builders and contractors and
sub-contractors and their nexus with the State govts. Besides, we should
concentrate against the State on issues of rights and benefits of workers
particularly on the issues for a dignified and better life, including free
housing and other residential and work-place amenities. At the same time, we
should concentrate on orgnanizing the rural construction workers, who are at
the same time agricultural workers also in some seasons, in coordination with
our agricultural worker unions. The construction workers after year of struggle
had achieved the Act and Welfare Boards for them which are presently under
attack. While we should resolutely resist these attacks and strive to mobilize
workers against these attacks, the Federation should prepare itself to function
effectively in this new situation of dilution of welfare boards by seriously
pursuing the above orientation focusing on the movement.
Holding
regular state level conferences of unions, developing functional district level
bodies, greater involvement of state level units in running the Federation and
implementing the national calls, fighting consistently against the negative
tendencies arising out of legalism and welfare board practice and developing
the assertion of this major segment of workers as an effective political force
in most of the states are some of the urgent tasks before us.
സ്കീം തൊഴിലാളികൾ
Scheme workers’ movement has emerged as a militant
movement of women workers and a key component of overall working class
movement, particularly with their long strike battles as witnessed in various
states. They are not even paid minimum wages but for a pittance called
‘honorarium’ or ‘Incentive’ and are facing worst form of gender discrimination
and harassment. The issues of scheme workers are just not related to the state
governments, but are directly influenced by the policy decisions of the central
government. The experience of the scheme workers’ movement, as a whole, show
that state level, sporadic and single scheme based movements are not able to
achieve much but for some monetary gains and improved working conditions, which
although is vital in progression of these movements. It appears that succeeding
in the fundamental demands of the movement, like the status of government
employee beginning from achieving the status of a worker and monthly salary on
par with government employee beginning from at least minimum wages, and
resistance against privatization of these schemes and cut in their budgetary
allocations, depend more on the capacity to make it a larger, united political
movement at all India level. We need to prepare for a long, strong, steady and
a relentless battle of scheme workers to achieve their demands in various
stages, through multi-pronged struggles and in a step by step manner.
The movement has also assumed significance in our
practice in the recent period. We have unions among ASHA, Anganvadi and Mid-day
Meal workers in several states. Hence, it has become all the more important to
integrate our work and struggles in these schemes in various states. And hence
arises the need of an integrated work in the form of a federation at national
level, and at the same time the need to coordinate our work at the level of
various scheme in different states.
Towards formation of a federation of scheme
workers, an all-India convening body of "All India Scheme Workers
Federation (AISWF)" was formed in a meeting held at Kolkata on 6 August
2018, and then an all-India cadre workshop of scheme workers was held on 1-2
December 2019 at Ahmednagar, Maharashtra which deliberated on conditions and
movements of scheme workers and organizational situation of our work. The
workshop decided to speed up the process of launching the federation through a
national conference in mid of 2020 in Bihar and hold a national level rally at
Delhi sometime in 2020 to assert the national demands of scheme workers. This
apart, workshop decided to take steps towards strengthening and expanding the
unions at state levels and strengthening the coordination among unions in ASHA,
Anganvadi and Mid-day Meal in different states. Presently, AICCTU has its
affiliated unions among scheme workers in Bihar, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, W.
Bengal, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Uttarakhand, Assam, U.P., Karnataka and
Gujarat.
Last few years have witnessed
powerful struggles including long-drawn strikes of scheme workers in many
states across the country, apart from their assertions in the national capital,
Delhi, as seen in one day Dharna in Delhi by mid-day meal workers on ---
against central governments. In many states scheme worker unions affiliated to
AICCTU have taken leading role in organizing struggles.
Two such recent strike struggles
stand out, one by ASHA workers and other by Mid-day Meal workers in Bihar.
On the initiative of our union, a joint
platform of ASHA workers was formed which called for an indefinite strike from 1 Dec. ‘18, the
first-ever by this section of workers, which went on for 38 days to 7 Jan ’19,
braving various repressive measures of govt. This strike was historical with
80% participation. More than 500 road blockades and 150 rail blockades were
organized during strike. The strike forced the adamant Nitish Kumar govt. to
hold talks, for the first time, with unions of ASHA workers and conceded to certain key demands
including a monthly increase to rs. 1000/- as honorarium (these workers are
paid incentives).
No sooner the strike
of ASHA workers ended than began the strike of Mid-day meal workers in Bihar
from 7
January 2019 and continued for 40 days 16
February. This was another unprecedented strike
by a section of scheme workers in which more than 2 lakh cooks participated. This
strike was also organized under the banner of joint platform on our initiative.
During the strike two-day
Mahapadav (massive sit-in) gherao of the Chief Minister’s office was held in
Patna on 23 and 24 January. Finally the govt. was forced to talk to the joint
committee and agreed to raise their pay from Rs 1250 to Rs 1500. Irrespective
of whatever monetary gains, both these
strikes were exemplary in terms of united resolve of these workers and have
instilled in them a strong sense of organization and confidence to fight for
their rights, even wage big struggles.
Apart from this, in some state our
scheme worker unions are in forefront of struggles, like our affiliated Mid-day
meal unions in W. Bengal, Jharkhand and Odisha;ASHA
Unions in Uttarakhand and Assam;Anganwadi union in Maharashtra, and to some
extent in Chattisgarh.
മുൻസിപ്പാലിറ്റി തൊഴിലാളികൾ
All
India Municipal Workers’ Federation (AIMWF) is functioning in a regular and
efficient manner with regular meetings and initiatives from above. It held its
2nd All-India conference at Pune on 25th August 2018. It
is comprised of both permanent and contract workers with sanitation workers as
main base. The main states of work presently include Bihar, Maharashtra,
Karnataka and U.P., apart from Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat.
The
unions affiliated with Federation have achieved many demands of municipal
workers in different states including in Pune, Maharashtra, including implementation
of 6th Pay Commission, Bonus without ceiling, benefits of PF, ESI
and minimum wage for contract workers, and free housing to several employees
are some major achievements, apart from contract workers of Mumbai Municipal
Corporation and women workers of same Corporation engaged in performing
vaccination and awareness work for achieving the status of permanent workforce.
In Bihar, implementation of minimum wages to sanitation and other employees
from 12 April 2018 including much increased wages in Gaya district of state,
and promotions to employees under 6th Pay commission; In Bangalore,
Karnataka, the then govt. in 2017 was forced to end contract system for
sanitation work in Municipal corporations and was forced to start the system of
direct payment to sanitation workers by the local bodies of the state. Other
major achievements of the union are a minimum wage of around Rs. 16,000 for
contract sanitation workers with Rs. 14,040/- as basic pay along with benefits
of PF, ESI and DA. Sanitation workers in
Bihar are continuously on path of struggle, particularly their most recent
struggle against the state govt.’s order of outsourcing of 30 thousand
municipal sanitation workers.Sanitation workers in Anguldisrtict
of Orissa through a long strike movement achieved rupees 10 lakhs as arear
wages and 25 lakhs of EPFand ESI deposit.
ആരോഗ്യ മേഖലയിലെ കരാർതൊഴിലാളികൾ
Health Sector is under all-out attack
of privatisation with winding up of govt. dispensaries and replacing them by
various private-owned insurance schemes, contractorisation and out-sourcing of
various departments in Hospitals and privatising district hospitals and finally
taking public health system away from common people. This has led to immense increase in contract
labour with highly exploitative conditions in govt. Health sector, leave alone
the totally private owned sector.
There are several AICCTU affiliated
contract workers’ unions in govt. owned or autonomous hospitals and health
related institutions including RML and Kalawati Hospitals (Delhi), NIMHANS and
Victoria (Bangalore), NIRTAR (Orissa), RIMS (Srikakulam), 2 unions in CRI and
CDI (Kasauli, Himachal Pradesh), AIIMS (Patna), National AIDS Control
Organization (Patna) and district hospitals of Kanyakumari and Dharmapuri (Tamil Nadu).
These contract workers include various categories like security staff,
sanitation workers, house-keeping workers, clerical staff, lab technicians etc.
These unions have also been successful through struggles including legal ones
in achieving important benefits for workers. Besides, efforts are going on to
organize contract workers’ unions in some more hospitals and health
institutions.
In its 4th national
conference in Jabalpur, MP on 2-4 Feb. 2020, All India Health Employees &
Workers Confederation (AIHE&WC) held a separate session
with special focus on contract workers. As an outcome of this session, a 7-member
national level convening body was formed comprising of union leaders of above
hospitals and institutions, with the immediate task of holding a national
conference, sometime in 2020, to launch an all India
federation of unions of contract health workers.
തുറമുഖത്തൊഴിലാളികൾ
We
have launched “All India Port Workers’ Federation” through a meeting on
21-09-2017. This mainly constitutes contract workers employed in Ports, namely
Mangalore, Tuticorin, etc. The immediate task is to organize its national
conference and give it a formal shape.
As
a major and notable initiative, this federation successfully struck work in
Mangaluru Port from 29 January to 6 February 2018, bringing the port operations
to a grinding halt. As a unique struggle, this strike was directly against the
shipping companies and it ended in an encouraging victory. Similar struggle
against Port authorities was organised in Tuticorin too.
പതിവടിസ്ഥാനത്തിലല്ലാതെ നിയമിതരാവുന്ന കരാർതൊഴിലാളികൾ
Our “All India Contract and Non-regular Workers’ Federation’ could not take off. We need to reorganize it with a new team and on a new basis.
Our “All India Contract and Non-regular Workers’ Federation’ could not take off. We need to reorganize it with a new team and on a new basis.
ബീഡി തൊഴിലാളികൾ
Also,
we could not make any progress in formation of a federation in Bidi sector.
Presently, we have work among Bidi workers in W. Bengal, Bihar, Tamil Nadu and
Chattisgarh. This women-dominated sector is facing severe attacks on minimum
wages and social security. The need is being felt to integrate our work among
them and their struggles. After this conference, we must make serious efforts
to speed up the process of formation of a federation in this sector.
നമ്മുടെ സാർവ്വദേശീയ ബന്ധങ്ങളും പ്രവർത്തനങ്ങളും
Since our last conference,
participation of AICCTU in international activities has further expanded.
AICCTU is an affiliate of WFTU (World
Federation of Trade Unions) since our 8th Conference (2011).
A 5-member delegation of AICCTU
attended the 17th World Congress of WFTU held at Durban, South
Africa on 5-8 October 2016 and General Secretary of AICCTU addressed the
Congress on our behalf. Our representatives also attended and addressed Asia-Pacific conference of WFTU held
on 24-25 September 2019 in Kathmandu. We also attended the World Congress of
women workers organized by WFTU on 1-2 November 2015 at Cyprus. We, as an
invitee, also attendedand addressed the annual Presidential Council Meeting of
WFTU heldon 3-4 April 2019 at Athens, Greece.
Our
construction federation AICWF participated in Asia-Pacific Regional Conferences
of UITBB (an international federation of construction and building workers unions
affiliated to WFTU) held at Thrissur, Kerala on 10-12 December 2016 and at
Kathmandu on 6-7 April 2018. AICWF is actively involved in the activities of
UITBB.Every year on 3rd October “International Action Day” is
organized by WFTU. AICCTU takes active part in the activities organized in
India on this day.
Apart
from affiliates of WFTU round the world and some other trade union centres in
neighbouring countries like Nepal and Bangladesh, we also have close fraternal
relations with Japan Confederation of Railway Workers’ Unions (JRU).
Also, our representative attended the
BRICS Trade Union Forum Meeting held in China from 24 to 27 July 2017.Apart
from this, we attended International Labour Conference held in Geneva,
Switzerland from 4-17 June 2017.
This
year WFTU is celebrating its 75th Anniversary (1945-2020). A year
long programme of activities has been planned by WFTU. In India, AICCTU should
take active part in implementing this programme. The next World Trade Union
Congress of WFTU is going to be held in Vietnam in the first quarter of 2021. A
sizeable delegation of AICCTU should participate in this Congress.
We
have been expressing solidarity with the struggles of workers in different
countries through sending messages and taking actions required by them from us.
Expressing Solidarity of Indian working class with striking workers of France,
AICCTU sent a message to their organization. We have always been part of
solidarity actions organized in India against imperialist machinations and
attacks on third world countries including Palestine, Cuba, Venezuela etc.
സംഘടനാ പരമായ വെല്ലുവിളികളും ചുമതലകളും
· Despite our expansion at sectoral and state level in recent times, a robust increasein membership, strengthening of organization and developing class consciousness of our base, and working class in general are some of the foremost challenges before us. To meet these challenges we must strive to accomplish these tasks:
· Despite our expansion at sectoral and state level in recent times, a robust increasein membership, strengthening of organization and developing class consciousness of our base, and working class in general are some of the foremost challenges before us. To meet these challenges we must strive to accomplish these tasks:
·
Holding of state
conferences must be ensured at a periodical and regular intervals. We must pay
special attention to develop district level structures and hold district
conferences. At present, except for a few states, district structures, either
do not exist or are non-functional. Serious efforts from above, i.e. from the
leadership are required to ensure above tasks.
·
Developing cadres from
among youth and women workers is of paramount importance. This should be a
continuous process along with special effortstime to time. Practice of regular
workshops of activists and cadres at all levels, along with special all-India
workshopswill greatly help in achieving this task.
·
The problem of converting
our initiatives and influence into membership continues.Along with developing new
cadres, relentless ideological struggle against formalism, routinism and
economism in our practice and in the work-style of our cadres is required. In
many states and sectors, there is problem of our confinement within a narrow
base. A conscious effort to reach out to the broader circle through campaigns
is the need of the hour. Of course, in these campaigns, we witness the serious problem of not
making extra efforts in reaching out to the larger sections of workers. The aim
of every campaign is always going beyond our reach, apart from strengthening
our own base.
·
Regular system of
consistent involvement of our affiliated unions in our overall work and
initiatives must be developed.
·
At present we should give
special emphasis on organizing honorarium/incentive based employees and
contract workers in general,apart from new sections of workers arising out of
present changes in the economy- from ITES to various categories of
self-employed workers. Guidelines provided by ‘Perspective on our work’ and
‘changing composition of workforce and challenges of trade union movement’
shall be grasped and be translated into a live practice. Above said papers are
not only for our reading but also for grasping and also to make it an integral
practice of our work. In this effort, seeking the help of comrades from RYA and
AISA may also be effective.
·
Emphasis should be given
on developing organizations and movements of rural and migrant workers, in
coordination with AIARLA.
·
Developing area-based work
among the urban working people by integrating with their social issues
affecting their lives must be made an organic part of our work.
·
Strong solidarity
campaigns and initiatives with the movements of various sections of toiling
masses particularly with agrarian movements must be inculcated in the whole
organization.
·
Special efforts for
regular subscription and increase in circulation of our central organ, ‘Shramik
Solidarity’ must be taken up. A regularly functioning editorial board shall
also be formed at the earliest.
·
We should develop our
website as an effective tool for propaganda and publish a web magazine of
working class in due process in English, Hindi and also in vernacular
languages.
·
A legal cell for
assistance and guidance in various labour and criminal cases, related matters
and also for preparing our responses to government bodies shall also be formed.
Central Office
Functioning:
In
view of our ever-increasing engagements of different kinds, and carrying out
the tasks including coordination with state level work, propaganda, magazines –
print and web, coordination with central trade unions, interactions with
government and other official
machineries, including various tripartite boards, we urgently need to
strengthen our Central Office Functioningwith the induction of a regular office
secretary and formation of central secretariat.
·
We need to form an account
audit cell. With growing activities, and also in the backdrop of growing
complaints on financial matters in some sectors, this is the right time to
address it in an organised manner. Submitting accounts should be made a regular
and integral practice of our committees at all levels – right from individual
unions, local committees to district, state and all India level committees, at
a maximum interval of six months.Account should be submitted around every major
campaigns and programmes. For construction and similar unions, it should be
made mandatory. All trade union cadres should disclose their source of income
to the organisation concerned.The central, state and district Headquarters
should regularly audit and monitor accounts of unions,federations and various
committeesand individual cadres. Central headquarters should evolve a set of
rules to handle such issues.
·
We should fix a target of
increasing our mobilisation capacity to 10,000 in each state, 3000 in each
districtto one lakh at all India level. In addition, a minimum of 1 lakh
membership for each bigger state and 50,000 for second level states and 25000
for third level states. These targets should be achieved before our next
conference.
·
We should focus our work
in health, education, sanitation, railway, construction and scheme sectors.
·
We should develop new work
in states where we are not present now.
·
All India federations
shall develop all India level independent functioning. At the same time, all
such federations shall also be an integral part of the state committees for
effective coordination and functioning. The issues arising out of being an all
India federation and also being part of the state committees shall be resolved
mutually and based on the advice or direction of the centre.
·
Against anti-labour attack
of Modi government, we may plan state level rallies and also a central rally at
Delhi in 2020.
സമരങ്ങളുടെ നിർദ്ദിഷ്ട ഉള്ളടക്കം
Charter of Struggle
Charter of Struggle
Intensify Resistance
Against codification
of labour lawsand onslaught on workers and trade union rights.
For Withdrawal
of divisive,anti-worker CAA-NRC-NPR package and for dismantling Detention
Camps.
Against
Selling national wealth; 100% FDI in various key sectors; Privatization/Corporatization
in Railways, Ordnance, etc.; Privatization of Financial institutions, and
Merger of Public sector Banks; Disinvestment in PSUs and commercialization of
Mining including Coal; Privatization of natural resources and Social sector
including Health, Education and PF-Pension fund; Privatisation, closures and
NGOization, outsourcing and contractualisation ofschemes, including all
honorarium based schemes.
For
job security, strict implementation of declared minimum wagesand existing labour
laws, for 26,000/- as Minimum Monthly Wage and 10,000/- as monthly Pension. Withdraw
NPS and restore OPS; For right to housing, power, water and sanitation, as well
as social security and pension for all.
For
providing the status of govt. employee with all associated service benefits to
honorarium/ incentive based (scheme) workers, and till then, status of “Worker”
and minimum wages to them.
Against
Dismantling of Welfare Boards for construction, bidi, etc.
Against discrimination
and oppression of migrant workers, For their rights and dignity.
Against
Fixed Term Employment; For Abolishing contract labour system, equal
remuneration, benefits and service conditions for same and similar kind of works
in all sectors and industries.
Against the
move to dismantle MGNREGA and other welfare schemes.
For
Revivalof sick and closed Industries and Plantations;Enactmentofan effective
Employment Guarantee Act and schemes for all Rural and Urban areas.
Against corporatisation of agriculture and for agricultural
labour oriented – poor farmer oriented agriculture policy; For Implementation
of pro-people clauses of Swaminathan Commission for farmers, for Waiver of
loans to Farmers, and Providing Sharecropper the status of “Farmer”.
For
Roll-back of prices in all essential commodities, universalization of food
security and inclusion of all unorganized workers in the BPL (below poverty
line) list.
For
equal wages for equal work for working women and for strict implementation of
Act against sexual harassment, at workplaces.
For a
comprehensive central legislation for Domestic workers
For
Repealing all the draconian laws.
For
Ratification by Indian govt. of ILO conventions 87 and 98 pertaining to the
right to Freedom of Association and Protection of
Right to Organize and Collective Bargaining, also of ILO convention 189
pertaining to domestic workers.
For
pushing back the policies of corporate loot, land grab and attacks on rights,
Against
corporate, communal, manuvadi fascism.
For democracy
and secularism
