പ്രധാനമന്ത്രിയുടെ ആഹ്വാനം രാജ്യത്തോടുള്ള വഞ്ചന

പ്രധാനമന്ത്രിയുടെ ആഹ്വാനം രാജ്യത്തോടുള്ള വഞ്ചന 
രണ്ടാം യൂ പി എ സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ സാമാന്യ ജനത്തെ വീണ്ടും അധിക്ഷേപിചിരിക്കുന്നു.
 നട്ടാല്‍ മുളക്കാത്ത  കള്ള പ്രസ്താവനകള്‍ കൊണ്ട് പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി മന്‍മോഹന്‍ സിംഗ്  'രാജ്യത്തോടുള്ള അഭിസംബോധന'യില്‍ . വ്രണിതരായ ഒരു  ജനതയെ  അപമാനിക്കുകകൂടി ചെയ്തിരിക്കുന്നു. 
ആഗോള സാമ്പത്തിക പ്രതിസന്ധി  മൂലം വളര്‍ച്ചാ നിരക്ക് കുറഞ്ഞു വന്നതിനെ നേരെയാക്കാന്‍  സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ മനമില്ലാ മനസ്സോടെ യാണ് ഇന്ധന - പാചക വാതക വില കള്‍ കുത്തനെ കൂട്ടിയത്  എന്നാണ്‌ പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി പറയുന്നത് . കൂടുതല്‍ തൊഴിലവസരങ്ങള്‍ ,വിദ്യാഭ്യാസം , ആരോഗ്യം, പാര്‍പ്പിടം , ഗ്രാമീണ തൊഴില്‍ ലഭ്യത എന്നിവ ഉറപ്പു വരുത്താന്‍ 'ദ്രുത ഗതിയിലുള്ള വളര്‍ച്ചാനിരക്ക് '  അനിവാര്യമായതിനാല്‍  ജനങ്ങള്‍ ത്യാഗങ്ങള്‍ സഹിച്ചേ മതിയാവൂ എന്നാണ്‌ മന്‍മോഹന്‍ പറയുന്നത്.
ഒന്നാമതായി, മേല്‍പ്പറഞ്ഞ  'വളര്‍ച്ച' ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ നേട്ടങ്ങള്‍ ഉണ്ടാക്കും എന്ന അവകാശ വാദം തന്നെ വ്യാജമാണ്. ഇന്ത്യ 9 % വളര്‍ച്ചാ നിരക്ക് കൈവരിച്ചു  എന്ന്  കൊട്ടി ഘോഷിച്ചു നടന്ന അതേ കാല ഘട്ടത്തില്‍,  സ്ത്രീകളുടെയും കുട്ടികളുടെയും മോശപ്പെട്ട ആരോഗ്യ നിലവാരത്തിന്റെ കാര്യത്തിലും പോഷകാഹാര ക്കുറവിന്റെ കാര്യത്തിലും ലോകത്തില്‍ ഒന്നാമത്തെ രാജ്യം എന്ന ലജ്ജാകരമായ സ്ഥിതിയില്‍ ആയിരുന്നു ഇന്ത്യ. 'ഉയര്‍ന്ന വളര്‍ച്ചാ നിരക്കിന്റെ' കാലത്ത് ആയിരുന്നു വിദ്യാഭ്യാസം ,പൊതുജനാരോഗ്യം തുടങ്ങിയ മേഖലകളില്‍ തകൃതിയായി നടത്തിയ സ്വകാര്യ വല്‍ക്കരണം മൂലം ആരോഗ്യവും വിദ്യാഭ്യാസവും സാധാരണ ജനത്തിന്‌ കൈ എത്താവുന്നതില്‍ നിന്നും ഏറെ അകലെയായിത്തീര്‍ന്നത്‌ .കാര്‍ഷിക മേഖലയില്‍ തൊഴില്‍ ലഭ്യത 1 .6 % കണ്ട് കുറയുകയും, കാര്‍ഷിക സബ്സിഡികള്‍ വെട്ടിക്കുറച്ചതിന്റെ പ്രത്യാഘാതം മൂലം മേഖലയാകെ പ്രതിസന്ധിയില്‍ ആവുകയും ചെയ്തു . കര്‍ഷകര്‍ കടക്കെണിയില്‍പ്പെട്ട്‌ കൂട്ടമായി ആത്മഹത്യ ചെയ്യുന്ന സ്ഥിതിവിശേഷം രാജ്യത്ത് അഭൂതപൂര്‍വ്വമായ വിധത്തില്‍  ഉണ്ടായി.
 രണ്ടാമത്തെ പേരും നുണ ആഗോള വിപണിയില്‍ എന്ന വിലകള്‍ കുതിച്ചു കയറുന്നതിന്റെ ആഘാതത്തില്‍ നിന്നും സാധാരണക്കാരെ 'രക്ഷിക്കാന്‍' ഏര്‍പ്പെടുത്തിയ സബ്സിഡി ഇന്ത്യന്‍ എണ്ണക്കംപനികളെ 'നഷ്ടത്തില്‍ ആക്കുന്നു' എന്നതാണ് .  എന്നാല്‍, എണ്ണക്കംപനികള്‍  വന്പിച്ച തോതില്‍ ലാഭം ഉണ്ടാക്കുകയും പെട്രോളിയം സബ്സിഡി കളെ കവച്ചു വെക്കും വിധത്തില്‍   സര്‍ക്കാരിന്റെ റവന്യൂ വരുമാനത്തില്‍ വര്‍ധനവ്‌ ഉണ്ടാക്കുകയും ചെയ്യുമ്പോള്‍  എണ്ണ വില സബ്സിഡികള്‍ ഇപ്പോള്‍ തന്നെ  വിപരീത ദിശയില്‍ ആണ് ഫലത്തില്‍ പ്രവര്‍ത്തിക്കുന്നത്.( അതായത് ,പെട്രോളിയം സബ്സിഡി തുടര്‍ന്നാല്‍ തന്നെ സര്‍ക്കാരിന്റെ റവന്യൂ വരുമാനം അതുകൊണ്ട് കൂടുന്നേയുള്ളൂ !) 2012 മാര്‍ച്ചില്‍ അന്താരാഷ്‌ട്ര വിപണിയില്‍ ക്രൂഡോയിലിന്റെ വില 20 % കുറഞ്ഞപ്പോള്‍ സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ മെയ്‌ ഇല്‍ പെട്രോള്‍   വില ലിറ്ററിന് 7 .54 രൂപ കൂട്ടി . ഇന്ത്യയില്‍ പെട്രോളിന്റെയും ഡീസലിന്റെയും വില മറ്റു രാജ്യങ്ങളിലെതിനേക്കാള്‍ കുറവാണ് എണ്ണ പ്രചാരണവും നുണയാണ് . ഏറ്റവും ഒടുവിലെ വില വര്‍ധനവിന് മുന്‍പ്  ഇന്ത്യ യില്‍ പെട്രോള്‍ വില 63.70 രൂപയായിരുന്നപ്പോള്‍ പാകിസ്ഥാനിലും ബംഗ്ലാ ദേശിലും അവ യഥാക്രമം 41.93 രൂ , 45.53 രൂ  എന്നിങ്ങനെയായിരുന്നു . എണ്ണ വിളകളുടെ മേല്‍ സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ നിയന്ത്രണം എടുത്തു കളഞ്ഞതോടെ ഇന്ത്യന്‍ ജനതയെ ഇന്ധന വിലയുടെ ആഘാതങ്ങളില്‍  നിന്നും രക്ഷിക്കുന്നതിനു ഉള്ള ഉത്തരവാദിത്വം ഒഴിയുന്നതിന് പുറമേ , സാധാരണക്കാരനോട് മുടന്തന്‍ ന്യായങ്ങള്‍ ഉന്നയിച്ച്  കൂട്ടല്‍ കൂടുതല്‍ ഭാരം താങ്ങാന്‍ ആണ് സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ ആവശ്യപ്പെടുന്നത് .
'പണം മരത്തില്‍ കായ്ക്കുന്നില്ല' എന്ന്   പറഞ്ഞു കൊണ്ട് ധന കമ്മി നികത്താന്‍ ആണ് സബ്സിഡികള്‍ പിന്‍വലിക്കുന്നത് എന്ന് മന്‍മോഹന്‍ അവകാശപ്പെടുന്നു 2011 -12 ഇല് ഇന്ത്യയുടെ ധന കമ്മി GDP യുടെ 6 .9 % ആയിരുന്നു .അത് 5.22 ലക്ഷം കോടി രൂപ വരും. എന്നാല്, അതേ വര്ഷം കോര്പ്പറേറ്റ്കള്ക്കും   വന് പണക്കാര്ക്കും സര്ക്കാര് വഴിവിട്ട് നല്കിയ ഇളവുകള് നിമിത്തം മാത്രം ഉണ്ടായ റവന്യൂ ചോര്ച്ച 5.28 ലക്ഷം കോടി രൂപയാണ്. അതിനാല് ദുര്ബ്ബല വിഭാഗങ്ങള്ക്കും സാധാരണ ക്കാര്ക്കും പ്രയജനപ്പെടുന്ന സബ്സിഡികള് പിന്വലിക്കുന്നത് ധന കമ്മി നികത്താന് ആണെന്ന സര്ക്കാരിന്റെ ന്യായം ശുദ്ധ അസംബന്ധമാണ് .വന്കിടക്കാര്ക്ക് നല്കുന്ന നികുതിയിളവുകള്  മാത്രം നിര്ത്തിയിരുന്നെങ്കില്  ധനക്കമ്മി എന്ന പ്രശ്നം തന്നെ ഉണ്ടാകുമായിരുന്നില്ല .

ഡീസല്‍ വില വര്‍ധനയെ മന്‍മോഹന്‍ സിംഗ് ന്യായീകരിക്കുന്നത്  സമ്പന്നര്‍ ഉടമകള്‍ ആയിരിക്കുന്ന വലിയ കാറുകളിലും സ്പോര്‍ട്സ് യൂടിലിടി വാഹനങ്ങളിലും(SUV ) മറ്റും ആണ് ഡീസല്‍ ഉപയോഗിക്കുന്നതെന്ന് പറഞ്ഞുകൊണ്ടാണ് . "അത്തരക്കാര്‍ക്കു വേണ്ടി സബ്സിഡി നല്‍കി ധനക്കമ്മി ഉണ്ടാക്കണോ ?" എന്ന് മന്‍ മോഹന്‍ ചോദിക്കുന്നു . ഡീസല്‍ വില ക്കയറ്റം നിത്യോപയോഗ വസ്തുക്കളുടെ കടത്തുകൂലിയില്‍ വന്‍ വര്‍ധന ഉണ്ടാക്കി വിലക്കയറ്റത്താല്‍ ജനജീവിതം ദുസ്സഹം ആക്കും എന്ന കാര്യം ആണ്   നേരത്തെ സൂചിപ്പിച്ചത് പോലെ വന്‍കിടക്കാര്‍ക്ക് വേണ്ടി കണക്കറ്റ ഇളവുകള്‍ നല്‍കുന്ന സര്‍ക്കാര്‍  കണ്ടതായി ഭാവിക്കാത്ത്തത് .
ചില്ലറ വ്യാപാര രംഗത്ത് വിദേശ നിക്ഷേപം കൊണ്ടുവന്നാല്‍ അത് ജനങ്ങളുടെ ഉപജീവന മാര്‍ഗ്ഗങ്ങളെ ബാധിക്കില്ല എന്നാണ്‌ പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി  അവകാശപ്പെടുന്നത്. ഇന്ത്യന്‍ നഗരങ്ങളില്‍ ചെറുകിട വ്യാപാരികളെ ബാധിക്കാത്ത വിധത്തില്‍ കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്കള്‍ റീടെയില്‍ രംഗത്ത് പ്രവര്‍ത്തിക്കുന്നുണ്ട് എന്ന് അദ്ദേഹം വാദിക്കുന്നു. എന്നാല്‍ ,ഇത് കാണിക്കുന്നത് കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ് കള്‍ക്ക് സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ സഹായം കൂടാതെ സ്വന്തം നിലയ്ക്ക്  ചെറുകിട വ്യാപാരികളെ മത്സരിച്ച് തോല്‍പ്പിക്കാന്‍ ആവില്ല എന്ന് മാത്രമാണ്.  വിദേശ നിക്ഷേപം വന്‍ തോതില്‍ ക്ഷണിച്ചു വരുത്തി   സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ സഹായത്തോടെ ചെറുകിടക്കാരെ തുരത്തി ഉല്‍പ്പന്നങ്ങളുടെ വാങ്ങലിന്റെയും വില്‍ക്കലിന്റെയും കുത്തക കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്കള്‍ക്ക് നല്‍കാന്‍ ഉള്ള ശ്രമം ആണ് അതുകൊണ്ട് ഇപ്പോള്‍ നടത്തുന്നത് . ബ്രസീല്‍ , അര്‍ജെന്റിന , ചിലി , ഇന്തോനേഷ്യ തുടങ്ങി നിരവധി രാജ്യങ്ങളുടെ അനുഭവം സൂചിപ്പിക്കുന്നത് ചില്ലറ വ്യാപാര രംഗത്ത് വിദേശ നിക്ഷേപം ചെറു കിട വ്യാപാരികളെ രംഗത്ത് നിന്ന് തുടച്ചു നീക്കും എന്നത് തന്നെ ആണ് . പ്രസ്താവ്യമായ മറ്റൊരു കാര്യം  , തായ് ലാന്‍ഡ്‌  , മെക്ക്സിക്കോ, വിയറ്റ്‌ നാം ,അര്‍ജെന്റിന എന്നീ രാജ്യങ്ങളില്‍ കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ് റീടെയില്‍ ശ്രുംഘലകള്‍ വന്നപ്പോള്‍ പച്ചക്കറിയുടെയും പഴ വര്‍ഗ്ഗങ്ങളുടെയും വിലകള്‍ പരമ്പരാഗത കമ്പോള ത്തിലേതുമായി തട്ടിച്ചു നോക്കുമ്പോള്‍ വളരെ ഉയര്‍ന്നതായിരുന്നു എന്നതാണ് .
  റീടെയില്‍  രംഗത്തെ വിദേശ നിക്ഷേപം 'നമ്മുടെ കര്‍ഷകര്‍ക്ക് 'ഗുണകരമാകും എന്ന പ്രധാന മന്ത്രിയുടെ അവകാശവാദവും പൊള്ളയാണ്‌ .പല രാജ്യങ്ങളിലും അനുഭവം നേരെ മറിച്ചാണ് . കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ് കള്‍  ചെറുകിട കര്‍ഷകരെ സപ്ലൈ ശ്രുംഘലയില്‍നിന്നും പുറത്താക്കുന്ന  അനുഭവം ആണ് ഏറെയും ഉള്ളത്. വില കുറച്ചു നല്‍കാനുള്ള സമ്മര്‍ദവും ഗുണ നിയന്ത്രണത്തിന്റെ പേരില്‍ ഏകപക്ഷീയമായി  അടിചെല്‍പ്പിക്കപ്പെടുന്ന കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്  നിബന്ധനകളും  മുതല്‍ വാങ്ങിച്ച ഉല്പന്നങ്ങളുടെ വില നല്‍കല്‍ മനപ്പൂര്‍വ്വം വൈകിപ്പിക്കുന്ന തന്ത്രങ്ങള്‍ വരെ ചെറുകിട കര്‍ഷകര്‍ക്കെതിരായി കുത്തകകള്‍ പ്രയോഗിച്ചു വരുന്നു .
ബഹുദേശീയ കമ്പനികള്‍ റീടെയില്‍ വ്യാപാര രംഗത്ത് വന്നാല്‍  'നല്ല നിലവാരമുള്ള ദശ ലക്ഷക്കണക്കിന്‌ പുതിയ തൊഴിലുകള്‍ സൃഷ്ട്ടിക്കപ്പെടും'എന്ന് പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി പറയുന്നു .ഇക്കാര്യം വാള്‍ മാര്‍ട്ടിന്റെ സ്വന്തം നാടായ യൂ എസ്സിലെ വാള്‍   മാര്‍ട്ട്  ജീവനക്കാരോട് ഒന്ന് പറഞ്ഞു  നോക്കട്ടെ. പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി ഇന്ത്യയിലെ ജനങ്ങളോട് ഇങ്ങനെ പറയുമ്പോള്‍ ലോസ് എന്ജലസിലെ വാള്‍ മാര്‍ട്ട് തൊഴിലാളികള്‍,  'വാള്‍ മാര്‍ട്ട് = ദാരിദ്ര്യം' തുടങ്ങിയ മുദ്രാവാക്യങ്ങള്‍ ഉയര്‍ത്തി പ്രക്ഷോഭം   നടത്തുകയാണ് . തൊഴിലാളികള്‍ക്ക് അര്‍ഹമായ വേതനം നല്‍കാതെ ചൂഷണാത്മകം ആയ സാഹചര്യങ്ങളില്‍ പണിയെടുപ്പിച്ച് വാള്‍ മാര്‍ട്ട് കൊള്ള ലാഭം ഉണ്ടാക്കുകയാണെന്ന് അവര്‍ കുറ്റപ്പെടുത്തുന്നു. വാള്‍ മാര്‍ട്ട് ജനങ്ങളുടെ ഉപജീവന മാര്‍ഗ്ഗങ്ങള്‍ക്ക് ഭീഷണിയുയര്‍ത്തുന്നു  എന്ന കാരണം ചൂണ്ടിക്കാട്ടി  പ്രാദേശിക ജന വിഭാഗങ്ങള്‍ ചെറുത്തു നിന്നതിന്റെ ഫലമായി ന്യൂയോര്‍കില്‍   വാള്‍ മാര്ട്ടിന് ഇന്നും പ്രവര്‍ത്തിക്കാന്‍ കഴിഞ്ഞിട്ടില്ല .
1991 ഇല്‍ എടുത്ത 'ധീരമായ കാല്‍വെപ്പ്‌ ' മൂലം തൊഴിലുകള്‍ സൃഷ്ടിക്കപ്പെട്ടതായി മന്‍ മോഹന്‍ സിംഗ് നമ്മോടു പറയുന്നു.എന്നാല്‍ ഈ അവകാശ വാദത്തിനു ഉപോല്‍ബലകമായി വസ്തുതകള്‍ ഒന്നും തന്നെ ഇല്ലെന്നു മാത്രമല്ലാ അനുഭവങ്ങള്‍ നേരെ വിപരീതവും ആണ് .ഇന്ത്യ 9 % വളര്‍ച്ചാ നിരക്ക് കൈവരിച്ച ഘട്ടത്തില്‍ തൊഴില്‍ വര്‍ധന നാമമാത്രമായ 0 .2 2 % ആയിരുന്നു .അതിനാല്‍ , ആഗോളവല്‍ക്കരണത്തിലൂടെ നേടിയ വളര്‍ച്ച എന്ന് പറയുന്നത് യഥാര്‍തത്തില്‍ തൊഴില്‍ രഹിത വളര്‍ച്ചയാണ്. 1991 മാതൃകയായി ഉയര്ത്തിക്കാട്ടുന്നതിലൂടെ മന്‍ മോഹന്‍ സിംഗ് അന്നത്തെപ്പോലെ ഇന്നും ചെയ്യുന്നത് ഇന്ത്യന്‍  ജനതയുടെ താല്‍പ്പര്യങ്ങള്‍ സേവിക്കുന്നതിലുപരിയായി  സാമ്രാജ്യത്വ താല്‍പ്പര്യങ്ങള്‍ നിറവേറ്റുന്നതിന് അനുസൃതം ആയ നയങ്ങള്‍ ആണ് താനും തന്റെ സര്‍ക്കാരും നടപ്പാക്കാന്‍ ഉദ്ദേശിക്കുന്നത് എന്ന് വിളംബരം ചെയ്യുകയാണ്.
ജനങ്ങളോട് പെരും നുണകള്‍ പറയുന്ന ഒരു സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ അര്‍ഹിക്കുന്നത് ജനപക്ഷത്ത് നിന്നുള്ള ചുട്ട മറുപടി ആണ് .
ഈ സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ നടത്തുന്ന  അസത്യ പ്രചാരണങ്ങള്‍ തുറന്നു കാട്ടുന്നതോടൊപ്പം , അഴിമതിയിലും ജനവഞ്ചനയിലും   ആഴ്ന്നുനില്‍ക്കുന്ന  രണ്ടാം യൂ പി എ  സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ രാജി വെക്കണമെന്നാവശ്യപ്പെടുന്ന ബഹുജന പ്രക്ഷോഭങ്ങള്‍ക്ക് ആക്കം  വര്‍ധിപ്പിക്കുകയും ചെയ്യേണ്ടതുണ്ട് .

[ജൂലൈ 11 , 2012 നു ബീഹാറിലെ ഭോജ്പൂര്‍ ജില്ലയിലെ ആര യില്‍ സി പി ഐ (എം എല്‍ ) സംഘടിപ്പിച്ച ബഹുജന റാലി യുടെ ഒരു ദൃശ്യം] 

ML Update 40 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol.  15             No. 40                                                                    25 SEP- 1 OCT 2012

PM's Address:

A Fraud on the Nation

The UPA-II Government unleashed a slew of offensives on common people recently. The Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's 'Address to the Nation' adds insult to this severe injury by peddling barefaced lies. 

The PM claims that the hikes in fuel prices and cuts in cooking gas subsidy and burdens are measures the Government has reluctantly been forced to take in order to 'reverse the slowdown in growth' caused by the global economic crisis. He appeals to the aam aadmi to make sacrifices and bear burdens cheerfully, in order to ensure 'rapid growth' that can generate jobs, and revenues for education, health care, housing and rural employment.    

In the first place, the very claim of 'growth' translating into benefits for people is a lie. In the selfsame period when India boasted a 9% growth rate, India has the shame of the world's worst indicators of health and nutrition of women and children. During India's 'high-growth' period, the aam aadmi has seen education and health care becoming farther beyond reach thanks to relentless privatisation. The employment rate in agriculture has dropped to minus 1.60%, and the agricultural crisis and debt trap resulting from cuts in subsidies has claimed an ever-spiralling number of farmers' suicides.

The second lie is that the steep global oil prices are forcing an increase in domestic oil prices; that the subsidy on petroleum products has increased steeply in order to 'protect' Indian people from the impact of global prices; and that India's oil companies are suffering huge 'losses'. The truth is that there are no net subsidies in the petroleum sector, and the oil companies are in fact recording huge profits and generating massive revenue for the Government. In March 2012, international crude oil prices fell by more than 20 percent – yet petrol prices in India were hiked by Rs 7.54 in May. Nor is it true that petrol and diesel prices in India are 'low' compared to other countries – even before the hikes, the price of petrol in India was Rs 63.70/litre, while it was Rs 41.93/litre in Pakistan and Rs 45.53/litre in Bangladesh. By deregulating oil prices, the Government has in fact divested itself of any responsibility to protect the Indian people from arbitrary price hikes  - and is instead justifying this massive additional burden on the aam aadmi on spurious pretexts.       

Manmohan Singh informs us that "Money does not grow on trees," and that he has acted only to pre-empt a fiscal deficit crisis (an unsustainable increase in government expenditure vis-a-vis government income). India's fiscal deficit in 2011-2012 was to the tune of 6.9 % of the GDP, which amounts to around Rs 5.22 lakh crores. In that year, the 'revenues foregone' to corporations and the super-rich amounted to Rs 5.28 lakh crore. Therefore, the hue and cry over 'fiscal deficit' which Manmohan blames on subsidies for the poor, is totally misplaced and fraudulent. If only Manmohan Singh would stop providing 'money on trees' by way of massive tax waivers to the big corporations, India would have no fiscal deficit.

Manmohan Singh justifies the diesel hike by claiming that diesel is used mostly by "big cars and SUVs owned by the rich and by factories and businesses," and asks, "Should government run large fiscal deficits to subsidise them?" As demonstrated above, the Government is in fact running fiscal deficits to subsidise none but the corporations and the rich! And the Prime Minister is deliberately silent on the fact the hike in diesel prices will result in increased transportation costs, which will inevitably have a cascading effect on food prices.   

The Prime Minister claims that there is no cause to fear loss of livelihood due to FDI in retail. His argument is that corporate retail has coexisted in India's cities without causing any detriment to small retailers. This only proves that corporate retail on its own has nothing to help it out-compete small retailers. That is precisely why FDI in retail is being sought – to provide the backing of huge amounts of money to squeeze out small retailers through predatory pricing and purchasing monopolies. The example of a host of countries including Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and Indonesia, have shown FDI in retail dealing a severe blow to small retailers.  

Again, the example of several countries – including Thailand, Argentina, Mexico, Vietnam - shows that prices of fruit and vegetables in corporate retail outlets have tended to be considerably higher than in traditional markets.

The PM's claims that FDI in retail will 'benefit our farmers' are also bogus. Small marginal farmers in most countries have been excluded from access to the corporate retail supply chain. There is no evidence of consistently higher prices for producers thanks to contract farming and corporate retail – if anything, the opposite. In fact, farmers end up at the mercy of the global corporate retail giants, often experiencing delayed payments, arbitrary quality standards, and pressure to reduce prices in order to compete to attract corporate retail buyers. 

The PM tells us the entry of MNC retail giants will "create millions of good quality new jobs." He should try telling that to the employees of Wal-Mart in its home country, the US! Even as the Indian PM spoke, Wal-Mart employees in Los Angeles were agitating with the slogan 'Wal-Mart=Poverty,' accusing the retail giant of making profits out of exploitative work conditions and wages. In New York, the local people have agitated to keep Wal-Mart out, declaring that it destroys livelihood.

Manmohan Singh tells us that the 'bold steps' taken in 1991 created jobs, but his claims are badly belied by the facts. At a time when India boasted a 9% growth rate, employment grew at a negligible rate of just 0.22%. So, globalised 'growth' has in fact been jobless growth. By invoking 1991, Manmohan Singh is in fact proving that now, as then, he and his Government are implementing policies dictated by imperialist interests rather than those of India's people. 

A government that so blatantly lies to the country must meet with a fitting rebuff! We must expose the Government's falsehoods and intensify the agitation calling for the immediate resignation of the corrupt and fraudulent UPA Government.     

Bharat Bandh

On September 20, CPI(ML) units all over the country implemented the Bharat Bandh call in protest against the hike in diesel prices, the slashing of cooking gas subsidy, and FDI in retail and civil aviation.

In Delhi-NCR, CPI(ML) activists held marches and burnt effigies of the Prime Minister at Narela, NOIDA and at Yamuna Vihar.

The party held marches through the city of Patna and other centres in Bihar, blockading roads at many places. In Darbhanga, CP(ML) activists blockaded rail tracks, detaining the Ganga Sagar Express for hours. In Jharkhand also, protest marches and road blockades were held at several places.

In Tamil Nadu, rail roko, road roko protests were held by the party at Salem, Coimbatore, Tirunelveli, and  Kanyakumari. In some other palaces including Tiruppananthal of Tanjore, district-level demonstrations were held. Campaigns in support of our bandh call took place at several palaces. In Salem, shop owners and traders closed down shutters in response to our call. In Tirunelveli our party mass organization leaders including AIPWA state president Thenmozhi were chased by police and rounded up in order to thwart their plans to picket the rail lines.

In Puducheri, more than 100 workers and party activists blockaded a busy road. Hindustan Petroleum Gas Delivery workers participated in the program with their uniforms. One Human Rights and Consumer Protection organization too joined our road roako program. In Karaikal, a demonstration was held in support of the Bandh.

In Uttar Pradesh, demonstrations and road blockades in support of the Bandh were held at 6 places in Ghazipur including the district headquarters; 4 places in Jalaun; 3 centres each in Devaria and Bhadohi; and two centres each in Chandauli, Mirzapur, and Gorakhpur. Demonstrations were also held at Balia, Maharajganj, Sonebhadra, Kanpur, Pilibhit, Lakhimpur Khiri, Sitapur, Gonda, Ambedkarnagar and Kushinagar.  AISA held a march and protest meeting on the premises of Allahabad University in support of the Bandh.

In Uttarakhand, CPI(ML) activists ensured the closure of the market on Car Road, Bindukhatta, in Nainital district, and burnt an effigy of the Prime Minister. A protest meeting was held that was addressed by many CPI(ML) leaders. Youth activists also marched to Lalkuan Bazaar calling upon traders to shut shops.

At Pithoragarh town, CPI(ML) activists held a march from Ramlila Maidan throughout the town, raising slogans in support of the Bandh. A demonstration and affigy burning were held at Dharchula in Pithoragarh district.

Protest processions were held at Bhikyasain (Almora) and Gochar (Rudraprayag) and Joshimath.

IN Karnataka, CPIML and AICCTU activists burnt the effigy of Manmohan Singh at Gangavati and Harapanahalli. Workers organised a bike rally on the day of Bandh to enforce the strike At HD Kote of Mysore district too, CPIML-AIALA activists organised a demo on the Bandh day. In Odisha, party activists held a rally from Nagbhushan Bhawan. They were arrested by police at the Assembly.

In Gujarat, CPI(ML) and RYA activists demonstrated in support of the Bandh in Ahmedabad, burning posters of the Prime Minister and holding a march from Azad Chowk till the statue of Bhagat Singh. En route, they got traders to shut shop in Amraiwadi Bazaar. 

Protest procession and effigy burning of the PM was held at Bhind in Madhya Pradesh, by CPI(ML) and AICCTU workers.

Demo in Bangalore for Maruti Workers' Struggle

AICCTU organised an impressive protest in support of struggling workers of Maruti on 22 Aug. 2012 at a major junction in the city of Bangalore. The protestors raised slogans against state repression on workers' struggles and demanded immediate release of all Maruti workers languishing in jail. The protestors also demanded withdrawal of Rapid Action Force, heavy police force and bouncers from the vicinity of the company.

Com. Somu, district president presided over the demo while Appanna, state secretary, Narayanaswamy, state Vice-President, Puttegowda, district secretary, and Mani addressed the gathering.

CPIML team visits Koodankulam

In the aftermath of brutal crackdown on the peaceful protesters of Idinthakarai, Koodankulam, CPIML, AICCTU, and AIPWA leaders visited these villages. Despite Sec 144 clamped on the entire area (due to which former Kerala CM and veteran CPIM leader VS Achuthanandan was not allowed to visit Koodankulam), the CPIML team managed to visit the affected area.

Koodankulam looks like a war torn territory. This Panchayat has 3500 households. Only a very few men could be seen. As the Koodankulam men and women came to the street protesting the repression on their fellow villagers, the police force unleashed a large scale attack on this village throughout the day on September 11.  All the women told the team that the police subjected them to severe repression.

The state police along with RAF, PMP lobbed anti-riot shells on the houses. Doors and windows been broken. Every house been attacked. Women were subjected to humiliation with obscene words, and were subjected to sexual assaults in the name of 'search.'

More than 60 men, most of them from the Hindu Nadar community, were taken into custody. Even minor school boys were indiscriminately arrested and sent to Juvenile Justice Board house. The neighboring Vairavikinaru leading to Idinthakarai too looked like a deserted village. The Tsunami settlement (from where residents, especially women, had participated in very large numbers in the agitation of the past several months), was subjected to severe, vengeful repression. Of 450 houses only 5 or 6 house were opened. The police took control of this settlement and are now using it as rest houses.

On the sea shore, the site where the siege program was held on September 10th, the police repression has no parallel! The K-Plant is more than 800 meters away from the protest site. There would be no danger for the plant from the thousands of women with children and men of entire Idinthakarai who had sat in peaceful protest.

Thousands of police with firearms stood like a wall encircling the protesters. Without any provocation people were beaten up with canes. Anti-riot shells were fired at the crowd, causing severe injuries on lips and cheeks. The people were encircled and had nowhere to escape except the roaring Bay of Bengal. They were chased towards the sea. The coast guard plane also joined the terror campaign, flying low over the heads of the people and terrifying the people. One youth died due of shock. Some were lying down; most of the people ran helter and skelter.

Through out the night arrested people remained in the open in the chilling sea breeze. The children and aged who couldn't withstand the breeze were trembling.

In an attempt to provoke a communal flare-up, the police urinated in the Church and disfigured the Mada Idol. But the protestors displayed great restraint and refused to rise to the bait.

Only after electronic media's telecast did the whole terror campaign subside somewhat.

These areas remain cut of from the mainland. Bus services are suspended. People have not been supplied with essentials, and remain deprived of their livelihood (fishing).

The team interacted extensively with the people. The people continue with their firm resolve to continue the struggle. They expressed their anger towards Jayaalalitha for her betrayal.

The team held a press meet demanding closure of the nuclear plant, complete withdraw of police force, withdrawal of false cases slapped including 124A and other criminal cases, suspension and action against the District SP, South Zone DIG and District Collector, instituting an enquiry commission with a sitting high court Judge and  intervention of NHRC and NCW in the human rights violations and violence on women by the police force.

The party State Committee called for state wide protest on October 1st. Condemning the police raj of the AIADMK government, the campaign will be 'against anti-people development; against murder of democracy'. On that day, an Anti-Nuke power plant march is also planned from Tirunelveli to Koodankulam (Idinthakarai).

The team comprised of State Secretary Comrade Balasundaram, T Sankarpandian, Tirunelveli district secretary and State General Secretary of AICCTU, Thenmozhi, State president of AIPWA,

G.Ramesh, Editorial Board member of Theepori, Anthonimuthu, District secretary of Kanyakumari and several district committee members of the party.

AISA victory in Pithoragarh SU Polls

Comrade Hemant Khati of AISA was elected as President in the Student University polls in the Lakshman Singh Mahar Government PG College, Pithoragarh, affiliated to Kumaon University. He polled 797 votes, defeating the ABVP candidate by 67 votes. On the post of Secretary, the AISA candidate Neeraj Bisht polled 560 votes, finishing at 3rd place. 

AISA has achieved a win in Pithoragarh after a gap of 12 years. The defeat against ABVP is especially significant given that the ABVP got patronage from the Government and administration, which overlooked fraudulent practices by the ABVP candidates such as distributing gifts, sweets etc.

AISA's campaign focussed against corruption and corporate plunder, privatisation of education, rampant unemployment and scams in Uttarakhand, rights of women students, and other democratic issues. 

TN AIALA calls for gherao of BDOs on November 7th

Following the successful collectorate gherao at Thanjavur by AIALA on September 17th, the State Council meeting of AIALA held on September 22nd in Gadilem of Villupuram district, decided to gherao the Block Development offices on November 7th, demanding  round the year jobs and house sites for all.

As Tamil Nadu could not get water from Karnataka and the southwest monsoon too failed, the Cauvery delta region is facing an acute crisis. Agriculture labourers and poor peasants are the worst affected.  If the North-east monsoon belies the hopes, the entire TN will have to face the worst drought this year. Except empty rhetoric, the AIADMK  government is doing nothing to tackle the situation. Employment of agricultural labourers and rural poor is severely endangered.

In order to protest the government inaction, and demanding round the year job, extending NREGA scheme to Town Panchayats, free food essentials and kerosene etc, AIALA will gherao the Block Development Offices.

The Council also decided to hold the next AIALA state conference on September 2-3 of 2013. Statues of Coms Chandrakumar, Chandrasekar and Subbu would be unveiled on 2nd September 2013, Martyrdom day of Comrades Chandrakumar and Chandrasekar. On 3rd September 2013, the 5th state conference will be held. 

The meeting also decided to participate in the October 1 protest day in solidarity with Koodankulam struggle, called by the state CPIML.

The council contributed the first installment (Rs 4000) of CPI(ML)'s 9th Party Congress fund.

Comrades TKS Janardhanan, State President, Valathan and Santhi, presided over the Council meeting. Apart from office bearers including Janakiraman (State Gen. Sec), Com Balasundaram All-India Vice President of AIALA also participated in the Council.

Arrest of CPI(ML) Activist in Odisha

On 17th September, Comrade Zaga Hika, who had contested as an MLA candidate from the CPI(ML) in 2009 from Patangi, polling 5000 votes, was arrested by Koraput police who have branded him as a 'Maoist.' Comrade Zaga Hika's son Rabindra Hika has also been arrested on fabricated charges of being a 'Maoist.'

On 31st August, Comrade Zaga Hika had led 800 comrades in gheraoing the Koraput collectorate and courting arrest as part of CPI(ML)'s all-India Jail Bharo call.

The BSF attacked and destroyed the CPI(ML) party office at Laxmipur on 16th September, tearing the party flag. On 17th September, Comrade Zaga Hika and Comrade Birendra Minieka, districts secretary of Koraput, went to the Laxmipur police station to file an FIR against the BSF for vandalising the CPI(ML) office, but instead of accepting the complaint, the police arrested Comrade Zaga Hika and charged him with being a 'Maoist'!

Comrade Zaga has spent the last two years in jail as an undertrial in a case of protest againt a liquor shop.

CPI(ML) plans a huge protest meeting at Koraput on 26th Sept against the arrest. The arrest of popular Left mass leaders from the adivasi community by branding them as 'Maoists' is part of the Government's 'Operation Green Hunt' strategy.

Left Parties' Dharna in Uttarakhand

CPI, CPI(M) and CPI(ML) jointly held a Dharna at Dehradun to protest against the anti-people policies of the Vijay Bahuguna Government on 10 September.

The Dharna began by a rendering by Jan Sanskriti Manch's Madan Mohan Chamoli, of a rousing Garhwali song by Comrade Dhan Singh Rana. This was followed by a Pankaj Vidrohi's rendering of a Gorakh Pandey song. 

The Dharna protested the Bahuguna Government's utter callousness towards the people affected by natural disasters in the State in the past 6 months. When the CM visited the disaster-affected people, he got angry when questioned by people, and returned after advicing them to sing 'bhajans' (prayer songs). The Left parties demanded immediate compensation and rehabilitation for the disaster-affected people of the State.  

The Left parties noted that the huge explosions caused by the 3 projects being built on the Asiganga had aggravated the natural disasters, and demanded that the builders of these projects be prosecuted for the deaths of people. The Left parties demanded mechanisms for identification and protection of migrant labourers hurt in the disasters. The Left parties held that the decision of the Government to hold by-elections to the Tehri Loksabha seat on 10 October when people of Uttarkashi and Tehri are yet to recover from the disaster is a cruel joke.

The Left parties protested the corporate plunder of 'jal jangal zameen' (water, forests, and land) in the State, in the name of 'development' projects. They alleged that the CM Vijay Bahuguna is supporting disastrous hydro-electric projects because of his corporate links, especially with the India Bulls company.  

The Left parties demanded that the Government accede to the popular demand to declare Gairsain as the capital of Uttarakhand. They also demanded measures to generate secure and dignified employment so as to stem the flood of migration from the state.

The Dharna demanded land rights for the residents of khattas, forests and for vangujars, and the rights of khattas and forest villages to form panchayats.

The Dharna also supported reservations for SCs/STs  in promotions, and demanded implementation of labour laws in factories.  They protested the rampant privatisation being carried out in the name of PPP projects.

The Dharna was presided by CPI(M) State Secretary Vijay Rawat, CPI's National Council member Samar Bhandari, and CPI(ML) Standing Committee member Raja Bahuguna.

The Dharna was addressed by Comrades Bacchiram Kauns, Gangadhar Nautiyal, Virendra Bhandari, Surendra Singh Sajwana, Indu Naudiyal, and Shiv Prasad Devli of CPI(M); CPI State Sectetary Anand Singh Rana and comrades Ashok Kanwal, Mahipal Bisht, Jeet Singh, and Ashok Sharma of CPI, and Comrades Purushotam Sharma, KK Bora, Man Singh Pal, Atul Sati and Malti Haldar of CPI(ML).  Kamla Pant, central convenor of Uttarakhand Mahila Manch, and Basant Khani of Uttarakhand Lok Vahini, Trepan Singh Chauhan of Chetna Andolan, and Sameer Ratudi of Himalay Bachao Andolan  also addressed the Dharna.  

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ML Update 38 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol. 15, No. 38, 11 – 17 SEPTEMBER 2012

 

Manmohan Singh Ko Gussa Kyon Aata Hai

A US daily, the Washington Post, recently commented on India's PM Manmohan Singh, observing, "The image of the scrupulously honourable, humble and intellectual technocrat has slowly given way to a completely different one: a dithering, ineffectual bureaucrat presiding over a deeply corrupt government," and describing Manmohan as "a man whose aloofness from the rough-and-tumble of Indian politics has been transformed from an asset into a liability."

The article as such said very little that was new. In fact, its main thrust was based on quotes by Indian observers, as appeared in a 2011 issue of the Caravan magazine. Historian Ramachandra Guha described Manmohan Singh as 'a tragic figure,' fatally handicapped by "timidity, complacency and intellectual dishonesty; while Sanjaya Baru, former media advisor to the PM, commented that the PM had been transformed into a figure of ridicule. The article also described popular jokes in India that poke fun at Manmohan Singh's well-known penchant for silence on a variety of pressing political occasions.

What was interesting was the reaction of the Indian Government to this article. Stung by the article, the PMO leapt to the PM's defence, demanding an apology from the Washington Post and the author of the article! This overreaction, if anything, showed Manmohan Singh in a more ridiculous light than ever.

What made the PMO so sensitive to an article in a daily paper? Why did the head of a State try, in vain, to gag the views of a journalist of another country, and try to extract an apology from him? Above all, the question arises – why was Manmohan Singh so sensitive to this particular article, when similar observations about his role appear regularly in the Indian press?

Clearly, Manmohan Singh is especially sensitive to criticism from any US quarters including the US Press. He finds it unbearable to be termed an 'underachiever' by Time Magazine or a 'tragic figure' by Washington Post, whereas the same criticism in the Indian press does not bother him. Manmohan Singh's sensitivity to American criticism is the natural fallout of his excessive concern to get praise and pat on the back from the US. To understand why Manmohan Singh is so upset, we must first understand how, for very long, US approval has been his overriding guiding principle in policy-making.

And his sensitivity to US opinion should be contrasted with his complete insensitivity to Indian public opinion! Manmohan Singh has always been proud of the fact that he takes decisions without being swayed by considerations of political fallout. So, his Government stubbornly insists on fixing poverty lines at starvation levels (Rs 23 in rural areas and Rs 28 in urban areas), unmoved by the fact that Indians find this preposterous. Likewise, his government goes on opening up sector after sector of Indian economy and social sectors for foreign capital to keep the American masters happy even as the whole country calls for an urgent halt to this disastrous course of indiscriminate FDI invasion. And when it comes to deciding India's foreign policy and domestic governance, his government has repeatedly made it clear that in its view national interests do not count, it is American interest which is of paramount importance.

Throughout his career as PM, Manmohan Singh has never hesitated to voice open – even fawning – praise of colonialism and imperialism that the Indian people would find offensive. In 2005, Manmohan Singh declared at Oxford that the British Raj was a model of "good governance." In 2008, he bade an emotional goodbye to the world's most hated US President – George Bush – by publicly declaring "deep love" for Bush, and expressing deep gratitude for "your affection, your friendship." In 2009, at a time when the US economy was in deep recession, and US economic and political hegemony were at an all time low, Manmohan Singh's loyalty remained rock-solid. He went out of his way to assert that the US economy would "bounce back", that "there is no substitute for the dollar," and that "we have not entered an era of irreversible shift in economic strength of the United States."

So, Manmohan Singh's angry reaction to the Washington Post's opinion comes from a sense of wounded loyalty that went unrewarded. He openly supported the US establishment when its credibility was at an all time low, and feels let down that US public opinion now is not reciprocating, when his own credibility is in tatters and he is the target of public ridicule and anger among the Indian people.

State Cadre Convention in Bihar Resolves to Make November 9 Parivartan Rally in Patna a Roaring Success

After the meeting of the Bihar State Committee of the Party held in Mairwa, Siwan from 2-4 September, a state-level cadre meeting was held in Patna on September 6 to mobilise the entire Party for the forthcoming 'Parivartan Rally' on November 9. The Party in Bihar is waging a relentless struggle against the growing failure and betrayal of the Nitish Kumar regime. Crime in Bihar is once again on the increase, corruption has crossed all limits and feudal-communal forces are flexing their muscles everywhere with the backing of the state government. Nearly one thousand Party cadres including members of district- and block-level committees and secretaries of local committees and Party branches attended the convention.

The Nitish Kumar government seeks to meet the popular outcry for justice with increased repressive measures on the one hand and by posing itself as the champion of Bihar vis-a-vis the Centre. The entire state government is currently busy with a so-called 'Adhikar yatra' which will culminate in 'Adhikar rally' on 4 November. Against this backdrop, the Parivartan rally has assumed additional significance, as it will highlight the strength and resolve of the fighting people of Bihar vis-a-vis the pompous show of power of a pretentious regime.

Addressing the state convention, Comrade Dipankar emphasised that the battle for justice for Bihar cannot be separated from the battle for justice for the people within Bihar. Nitish Kumar has already betrayed the people on the latter score, his slogan of 'development with justice' having turned into 'loot with injustice'. Now he is out to betray the people on the issue of justice for Bihar, reducing the issue of special category status for Bihar into a bargaining chip with the Centre and the Congress. He waxes eloquent against the likes of Narendra Modi and the Thackerays, but his ideological-political intimacy with communal and divisive forces is demonstrated unmistakably in his long-standing alliance with the BJP and the NDA.

Comrade Dipankar pointed out that Nitish Kumar's anti-corruption rhetoric had also proved to be utterly hollow and opportunistic. He demands cancellation of coal blocks, but defends the equally scandalous allocation of BIADA land in Bihar. He upholds CAG reports concerning the central government, but rubbishes the same CAG reports regarding the glaring lapses and huge scams perpetrated by his own government in Bihar. Comrade Dipankar called upon the convention to give a fitting rebuff to Nitish Kumar's pro-feudal politics by making the November 9 Parivartan Rally a roaring success.

The convention chalked out elaborate plans for the next two months to spread the message of the rally across the state and mobilise all members and structures of the Party in an intensive preparatory work. Village level meetings and padyatras will be held in all our areas of work. Block- and district-level review meetings will be held from mid-September to mid-October. Mass organisations will also work systematically to mobilise for the rally. Kisan Mahasabha has convened a 'Bhumi Adhikar Sammelan' (land rights conference) in Patna on 21 September. RYA is holding its state conference at Samastipur on 30 September. AIPWA will organise a 'mahila adalat' (women's court) in Patna on 2 October while Inquilabi Muslim Conference has convened an assembly in Patna to discuss the growing injustice and insecurity that Muslims are having to battle against in today's Bihar.

Convention Held in Solidarity With Maruti Workers

The All India Central Council of Trade Unions (AICCTU) and All India Students' Association (AISA) held a Convention on September 7th at the Indian Social Institute, Delhi, in solidarity with Maruti workers. The Convention- 'Intensified Assault on the Working Class: Challenges Before Democracy', was attended by workers from the Delhi-NCR area, students, as well as concerned citizens and activists.

Several Maruti workers addressed the Convention, describing the exploitative conditions of work at the Manesar plant, in which they were given just 7 minutes to have tea and use the toilet, where pay was cut for every leave taken, and where the bulk of workers are employed on contract and paid less than permanent workers for the same work, in violation of labour laws. They described the incident of 18th July, pointing out that the Maruti management had introduced bouncers into the factory in order to intimidate the negotiating union leaders. They alleged that the violence was unleashed by the bouncers, who were responsible for the fire in which a manager lost his life due to asphyxiation.

The workers asked, "We are being described as criminals and killers. But can we ask – was it not illegal and provocative of the management to suspend an innocent worker and then introduce bouncers in the factory?" Comrade Matthew, former President of the Maruti's Plant I Union who was terminated after the struggle in 2000-2001, also described the repression faced by workers at that time.

Rakhi Sehgal of the NTUI painstakingly recounted the many unanswered questions and inconvenient facts regarding the 18th July incident that contradict the 'official' version. There is ample evidence to suggest that bouncers in workers' uniforms were introduced into the factory by the management in connivance with the police. She highlighted the fact that the investigation was being conducted by police officials who themselves are under a cloud regarding their role on 18th July. She said that the workers of the Maruti factory firmly believed that the 18th July incident was a conspiracy to finish off the Union. A significant majority of the Maruti Manesar plant's workers are from southern Haryana, from a belt where they receive some support and backing from their agriculture-based families, and are therefore more difficult to intimidate or suppress. Therefore, it is likely that the management wanted an excuse to replace them, once and for all, with more pliant migrant labour.

Speaking at the Convention, S Kumarasami, the All-India President of AICCTU, and also the President of the union of the Pricol Automobile workers of Coimbatore, described the struggle of the Pricol workers from 2007 onwards, and the incident of 2009 in which an HR manager was killed. He said that in a situation where workers are having to work in a state of virtual 'rigorous imprisonment,' deprived of legal rights, basic democracy, and an atmosphere of intimidation, where unionisation and peaceful struggles are suppressed, and managements seem to enjoy impunity in the eyes of Government, it was all too natural for conflict to erupt. Such incidents were bound to increase as long as industrial democracy is suppressed. He said that the Pricol workers sustained their Union and their struggle in the face of repression, by forging strong links with the struggles of local people.

Describing the situation in Manesar now, Comrade Kumarasami said 'industrial terrorism is being unleashed on the working class,' with ex-army personnel and police being deployed right on the factory floor. Just as corporate plunder was being encouraged, as shown in the coal, 2G and mining scams, capital backed by the State is also focusing on maximum extraction of profit by maximizing exploitation of workers. The result, he said, was '21st century technology and 19th century labour conditions.' He called for the Trade Union movement to reach out to the vast army of contract and apprentice labourers and for the working class to forge links with the struggles of contract workers as well as non-factory workers and common people. He highlighted the demand for the TU Act 1926 to be amended to make it mandatory to give recognition to the majority union in each factory as chosen by workers by secret ballot.

Labour historian Prabhu Mahapatra, Atul Sood, professor of economics from JNU, Senior advocate N D Pancholi of the PUCL, Ranjana Padhi, feminist activist addressed the convention. The Convention was also addressed by the Maruti workers' lawyer Rajendra Pathak, and Santosh Rai, President of the Delhi State unit of AICCTU.

Among those who joined the Convention in solidarity with Maruti workers were Jawed Naqvi, columnist, Arundhati Roy, writer, Sanjay Kak, filmmaker, Madhuresh (NAPM), Prof. Vijay Singh, activist Gopal Krishna, Sandeep Singh, President of AISA, Sanjay Sharma, Delhi State Secretary of CPI(ML), Prabhat Kumar, CCM of CPI(ML), and several teachers of DU, students of Jamia Millia Islamia and other universities in Delhi. A member of the New Delhi Bureau of the party organ of the Communist Party of Japan also interacted with the Maruti workers and covered the Convention for his paper.

The Convention adopted a series of resolutions: appealing to all democratic organisations and citizens for support for the Maruti workers' struggle; demanding- immediate withdrawal of police and paramilitary from industrial areas in Gurgaon-Manesar; release and reinstatement of all the workers; an independent judicial enquiry into the 18th July incident; that the Haryana Govt and Central Government be held responsible for upholding labour laws and industrial democracy and penalizing companies that violate these laws; ending exploitation of contract labour; and amendment of the TU Act 1926 to make registration of the majority Union mandatory.

Letter from CPI(ML) GS to Tamilnadu CM Regarding Koodankulam

New Delhi, September 8, 2012

We are very concerned to read in the news (The Hindu, September 7,2012) that the people of Idinthakarai and adjoining areas, under the banner of the People's Movement Against Nuclear Energy (PMANE), who have been raising questions about the Koodankulam Nuclear Power Plant through a peaceful mass movement against the commissioning of the plant, have decided to lay siege to the plant on September 9th.

We understand that ever since the Madras High Court gave the final nod to load enriched uranium in the KKNPP, the people have been attempting to dialogue with the State and Central Governments, but to no avail. It is in this critical juncture that they are resorting to such a drastic step.

We are deeply concerned about the consequences and appeal to you to stop commissioning of the plant, and intervene at this stage. The people of the area, receiving no convincing answers to their extremely genuine concerns about safety, have been agitating peacefully for very long. They have braved baseless sedition charges and a slew of cases. They are raising a matter of great public interest, not only for the present generation but for future generations. Yet they have been accused of being anti-national.

Now, the matter has reached a critical stage, with the protesting people, all common rural and coastal poor, deciding to lay siege to the plant. As a democratically elected leader, accountable to the people of Tamilnadu, we hope that you will at least now respond sensitively to the anguish and desperation of the people. We appeal to you not to use police force on peaceful protestors, who are fighting for their fundamental right to a safe life.

It is never too late to stop a disaster. We appeal to you to heed the wise and timely calls of the people of Idinthakarai, who seek to avert a Fukushima on Indian soil, and stop the commissioning of the Koodankulam Nuclear Power Plant.

Combat the Divisive Communal Politics of BJP-Shiv Sena-MNS

Reject the Political Opportunism of Nitish Kr and his Ilk

Following Raj Thackeray's venomous tirade against 'Bihari infiltrators' in Mumbai, his cousin and Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray has now come up with the demand for introduction of permits for Bihari workers in Maharashtra. The competitive display of chauvinism by the Thackeray cousins has once again exposed the communal and divisive politics of outfits like the Shiv Sena and MNS in Maharashtra. While MNS does not have any formal affiliation to either NDA or UPA, the Shiv Sena is a long-standing ally of the BJP and a founding constituent of the NDA. The Shiv Sena variety of regional chauvinism is a perfect ideological partner of the BJP's politics of national chauvinism. The only difference is while the Shiv Sena whips up communal frenzy in regional garb, the BJP does it in the name of nationalism.

When violence broke out in Kokrajhar in the month of July, the BJP was quick to blame it on 'infiltration from Bangladesh'. A sinister sms campaign and rumour mongering saw thousands of workers and students from Assam and the North-East rush back home from Bangalore, Hyderabad, Pune and Chennai lending further grist to the BJP propaganda against terrorism and infiltration. Following Muslim protests in Mumbai, the Shiv Sena/MNS ire has now turned once again against Bihari workers, and especially Bihari Muslim youth in Maharashtra. Meanwhile we had reports from BJP-ruled Karnataka of ABVP goons pulling out migrant workers from Bihar and Odisha from trains and beating them up, all in the name of teaching 'illegal immigrants from Bangladesh' a good lesson.

The chain of events from Kokrajhar to Bangalore and now Mumbai has made it abundantly clear that divisive violence in one corner of the country will quickly spread to another corner, and campaign against one community will quickly turn against another. The fear that haunts Bengali-speaking Muslims is inseparable and indistinguishable from the insecurity faced by Bihari workers. It is the BJP which fuels this fear nationally and Nitish Kumar waxes eloquent about Bihari identity under the BJP's ideological umbrella while migrant workers and youth from Bihar are harassed and persecuted in Mumbai by the JDU's partners from the same BJP-led coalition.

While strongly refuting and resisting the divisive politics of the Shiv Sena/MNS and the BJP, we must also sharpen our struggle against the political opportunism of Nitish Kumar which is emboldening the Senas in Maharashtra and the BJP right within Bihar.

Sivakasi Blast- Punish the Culprits, Rehabilitate the Victims!

A seven member fact finding team of CPI(ML) and AICCTU visited Sivakasi in Virudhnagar district of Tamil Nadu on 7th September where more than 50 workers have already died and several are critical.

The team found that blatant violations of safety norms and regulations are the reason for recurring incidents at Sivakasi fire crackers every now and then. What is shocking is that only a few days prior to this horrific incident the factory was ordered to be closed for its violations. Even then the factory was in full operation with the strength of more than 480 workers, most of them women, children and a considerable number of migrant workers from West Bengal. The owners of the fireworks and Govt officials in collusion were running this death factory in total disregard of all norms and regulations.

In no way this could be termed as an accident. It is a clear case of deliberate crime. The officials are manufacturing a story that only 12 of the dead were the workers inside the factory, others were the passer-by who were hit by flying rubbles due to explosion. Sensing the intensity and extent of damage, the team raises the doubt about explosives being stockpiled for quarrying purposes also inside the premises.

In the face of such a tragic incident neither the labour minister nor the local minister have made even a visit so for. Even though much publicity was made about the impending visit of the CM, it is intriguing that she failed to turn up! When this was pointed out by the team the refrain of the public was, "the owner is an influential AIADMK bully".

The fact finding team in its report published to the press demanded immediate arrest of absconding owner, resignation of the labour minister owning responsibility to such ghastly incident, arresting concerned labour and revenue officials and suspension of district collector, compensation of Rs.20 lakh to the family of every victim, 50 thousand to the injured, rehabilitation of the families with govt jobs, strict enforcement of the Inter State Migrant Labor Act 1979, transparent, scientific safety norms and regulations in hazardous industries like fire cracker industry, making accountable the owner and factory and labour officers for such incidents etc. A Judicial enquiry must be instituted immediately to inquire into the many questions that have arisen.

The team was led by Comrade T Sankarapandian, CPI(ML) State Committee member and State GS of AICCTU. The members included Comrades Ponraj, Dist Party organizer of Tuticorin –Virudunagar, Mathikannan, Avudaiappan, AIALA dist organizer, Chellasamy, Murugan and Shanmugaperumal.

State-wide Protests

TN State unit of AICCTU immediately called for a state-wide protest on 8th September 2012 on the demands raised after the fact finding team visit along with the demand to closure of units which violate rules and arrange for a public audit on work place accidents.

Demonstration held at Chennai was led by Comrade Palanivel, State Secretary of AICCTU. Demonstration at Kumarapalayam of Namakkal district was led by Comrade Pugalendhi, Dist Secretary of AICCTU. A demonstration was held at Kandarvakottai by AICCTU of Pudukottai unit addressed among others by com P.Asaithambi, district secretary of CPI (ML). Posters were released on these demands by Salem, Tirunelveli and Coimbatore units of AICCTU.

 

 

Edited, published and printed by S. Bhattacharya for CPI(ML) Liberation from U-90, Shakarpur, Delhi-92; printed at Bol Publication, R-18/2, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar, Delhi-92; Phone:22521067; fax: 22442790, e-mail: mlupdate@cpiml.org, website: www.cpiml.org

Fwd: ML Update 37 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol.  15            No. 37                                                                      4 - 10 SEP 2012

Naroda Patiya Verdict:

Nemesis for Narendra Modi

 

When impunity has become the norm for political leaders who perpetrate communal and feudal massacres in our country, the verdict of the Special Court in Gujarat stands out as a rare and welcome one. BJP MLA and former Minister in the Modi cabinet, Maya Kodnani, notorious Sangh Parivar leader Babu Bajrangi and 30 others have been convicted for their role in the gruesome massacre of 97 Muslims at Naroda Patiya – one of the worst sites of the 2002 Gujarat genocide.

The verdict observed that the massacre was "brutal, inhuman and shameful," especially the slaughter of women, aged persons, and children including a 20-day-old infant.

The verdict demolishes the Gujarat Government's claim that the violence was a spontaneous 'reaction' to the Godhra train carnage. The verdict finds, "This was a pre-planned conspiracy and it cannot be mitigated just by saying that it was a reaction of Godhra train burning incident."

Most significant is the conviction of Kodnani, whom the verdict describes as a 'kingpin' of the Naroda Patiya massacre. Kodnani has been sentenced to a 28-year imprisonment term. Kodnani, a doctor and an MLA, was known to be a close aide of Chief Minister Modi. Witnesses testified to her role in distributing weapons and instigating and leading the mob that especially targeted women and children. As though mocking the charges against her, Narendra Modi had inducted her into his Cabinet in 2007 and made her Minister for Women and Child Development! The Gujarat police, and even the Supreme Court-appointed SIT had avoided arresting the powerfully placed Kodnani for long. She was eventually charge-sheeted and arrested by the SIT in 2009, and only then was she dropped from the Cabinet. Kodnani's conviction gives the lie to Narendra Modi's claims that his Government had no role in the riots. It is quite obvious that a ruling party leader of Kodnani's standing could have led the violence only with the blessings of the Chief Minister.

In the sting operation conducted by Tehelka, Babu Bajrangi had boasted on camera of having led the massacre. He had stated that after the massacre he had reported to the Gujarat Home Minister Amit Shah. The verdict sentences Bajrangi to imprisonment 'till death.' The conviction of Bajrangi and Kodnani holds out a ray of hope that, in spite of the attempts by the police and SIT to cover up Modi's role, Modi too will not escape justice.

With Gujarat elections due this year, and with Modi being projected as the BJP candidate for PM in 2014, the Naroda Patiya verdict comes as a reality check. Modi's attempts to project himself as a champion of growth and development rather than communal violence, too, have come a cropper. In a recent interview with the Wall Street Journal, even as Modi boasted of Gujarat's high growth rate, he was confronted with evidence of Gujarat's dismal showing on health and nutrition, which is below the national average and worse even than some of the poorer states. Modi glibly tried to trivialise malnutrition by dubbing it a 'middle class phenomenon', blaming it on Gujarat's predominantly vegetarian diet. Most appallingly, Modi blamed the poor health and nutrition indices of women in the state on 'figure-conscious girls,' who avoid nutrition for fear of getting fat. Such theories have made Modi a laughing stock, and have exposed the grim socio-economic reality that underlies the claims of 'Gujarat Gaurav' (Gujarat pride). 

Try as he may, Narendra Modi and the BJP cannot shrug off the taint of communal genocide – that the Naroda Patiya verdict has forcefully underlined.

Meanwhile, the 'other Modi' – Bihar's Deputy CM Sushil Modi of the BJP has suggested that the Bihar CM Nitish Kumar would make a good PM candidate for the NDA. Nitish Kumar, who has been projecting himself as a 'secular' alternative to Narendra Modi, has recently spoken against the illegal arrest of a Bihari Muslim migrant in Mumbai, and against Raj Thackeray's threats to brand all Bihari migrants as 'infiltrators'. But Nitish Kumar's rhetorical flourishes against Narendra Modi's communalism and the MNS' anti-migrant terror sound rather hollow when he continues to enjoy a cosy partnership with the BJP in Bihar. After all, ABVP goons in BJP-ruled Karnataka are doing exactly what MNS has threatened to do in Maharashtra – they have recently attacked nearly 100 migrant labourers, branding them Bangladeshi infiltrators.

The BJP, and its NDA allies, have been left red-faced by the Naroda Patiya verdict. The verdict has established the inescapable fact that a BJP-ruled Government and its top leaders presided over one of the worst communal pogroms in India's history. BJP's hands are blood-stained, and those who hold those hands, too, cannot escape the taint.       

Jail Bharo Call

Lakhs of People Court Arrest

Demanding Resignation of UPA Govt. over Coal Gate Scam

Protesting Corruption, Price Rise, Social Oppression, State Repression

Lakhs of people responded enthusiastically to the call of the CPI(ML) and All India Left Coordination (AILC) and courted arrest all over the country on 31st August, as part of an all-India 'Jail Bharo' protest, demanding the resignation of the Prime Minister who has been caught red-handed in the Coalgate scam, and of the entire scam-ridden UPA Government. They protested the privatization policies that promote corporate plunder of natural resources and public assets, unrelenting price rise, crackdown on the right to dissent and protest, and growing social oppression on dalits, women and minorities. Protests were held at 173 centres, and a total of 1, 35,000 people all over the country, under the banner of CPI(ML), CPM Punjab, Lal Nishan Party (Leninist), CPRM, and Left Coordination Committee (Kerala), were taken into custody in the course of the Jail Bharo protest. 

In the national capital Delhi, CPI(ML) General Secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya led the protestors in courting arrest, along with CPI(ML) Politburo member Swadesh Bhattacharya, Central Committee members Prabhat Kumar, Kavita Krishnan, and Delhi State Secretary Sanjay Sharma. Scores of protestors marched to Parliament Street, blocked a street crossing, and broke police barricades before being taken into custody.

In Bihar, a total of 50,000 courted arrest across the state, in protest actions that were held at around 30 centres. At many places, the temporary jails arranged by administration proved too small to accommodate the overflowing protestors.

In the state capital, Patna, 4000 activists marched from Gandhi Maidan to the city's most crowded Dak Bangla crossroads, which they blockaded for two hours, holding a mass meeting addressed by party leaders before being taken into custody. One contingent of protestors was detailed at Gardanibag Stadium while another was detained at Kotwali Police Station. Several Politburo and Central Committee members of CPI(ML) as well as mass organization leaders were among those arrested.

4000 activists courted arrest at Arwal, holding a massive public meeting against UPA-NDA corruption, after being detained on the premises of the Block Headquarters. In the course of the campaign towards 31st August, meetings were held at 200 villages in Arwal district, and torchlight processions were held on 30 August in all these villages. 

3500 activists were arrested in Bhojpur district, breaking the gates of the Collectorate and holding a mass meeting inside the Collectorate premises for two hours. 5500 people marched all over the town in Jehanabad before courting arrest. On 27 August, there had been a militant protest at the Jehanabad Collectorate and Bandh in Makhdumpur against feudal forces who had blinded a girl from an extremely backward community and burnt down her house. The impact of this protest could be seen on 31st August, where a large number of women and villagers from the dalit and extremely backward communities joined the Jail Bharo march.

4000 people in Siwan marched from the Bus Stand to JP Chowk where they blockaded the crossing for hours, and held a mass meeting before being taken into custody.   

5000 peasants and adivasis, who have been active in the recent struggles against eviction of sikmi sharecroppers, courted arrest in Purnea. More than 2000 each courted arrest in Darbhanga, Madhubani, Gaya, and Nalanda, while between 1000-1500 people courted arrest at Vaishali, Rohtas, Gopalganj, Buxar, Muzaffarpur, and Samastipur.

Jail Bharo protests were also held at Bhagalpur, Khagaria, Chhapra, Kaimur, Nawada, Shekhpura, Lakhisarai, Jamui, Araria, West and East Champaran, and Sitamarhi.  

In Jharkhand, 30,000 people courted arrest in protect actions held at 18 centres all over the State. In Giridih district, in the run-up to the Jail Bharo protest, there had been successful mobilization and protests against the new BPL list from which large numbers of the poor were excluded. These protests had forced the administration to distribute rations based on the previous list. Inspired by the success in these protests, more than 10,000 people courted arrest on 31st August. The campus of the District Collector was packed with protestors, and eventually the administration had to declare the Flag-hoisting grounds to be the camp jail and detain people there. Leading the protestors were CPIP(ML) MLA Vinod Singh and District Secretary and Central Committee member Manoj Bhakta.   

In Garhwa district, impressive protests were held both at Nagar Untari as well as Garhwa town, focusing mainly on the police repression unleashed in the area against party leaders and activists in recent times. The demand for the release of local activists arrested on false charges of aiding Maoists, and of senior leader Tahir Ansari who has recently been arrested, were the main demands of the Jail Bharo protest here, in addition to demanding scrapping of coal block allocations and resignation of the UPA Government in the Coalgate scam. In Nagar Untari, 5000 protestors marched to the Block HQs, defying the police's attempts to intimidate and demoralize them by arresting Tahir Ansari. 1500 protestors marched in Garhwa town and courted arrest at the District Collector's office. Protestors also courted arrest at Palamu main crossroad as well as Latehar.     

At the state capital Ranchi, protestors gheraoed the Assembly, which began its session on the same day. More than 1000 protestors marched from the Rachi railway station to the Assembly, protesting in particular against the land grab and eviction of adivasis as Nagri as well as on the central demands and slogans. They were stopped and detained at Birsa Chowk, where they held a massive public meeting. 

Scores of protestors courted arrest in Gumla and Lohardaga districts in South Chhotanagpur, Devghar, Dumka and Jamtada in Santhalparganas, as well as Koderma, Hazaribagh, Ramgarh, Bokaro, Dhanbad, and Jamshedpur.  

In Uttar Pradesh, more than 7000 people courted arrest in protest actions at around 19 centres. At Varanasi, the protestors who had marched to the District Collector's office to court arrest, were lathicharged by the police. However the protestors refused to disperse, and eventually the police had to arrest them. Protestors, including activists from Gonda, Kanpur, and Ambedkarnagar districts courted arrest at the State capital, Lucknow.  

Protestors courted arrest at Ghazipur, Chandauli, Sonebhadra (at district HQ at Robertsganj as well as Tehsil HQ at Duddhi), Mirzapur, Devaria, Balia, Bhadohi, Sitapur, Pilibhit, Lakhimpur Khiri, Jalaun, Gorakhpur, Allahabad, Azamgarh, Maharajganj, and Mau. 

In Punjab, the CPI(ML) and CPM Punjab jointly organized state wide protests where 15000 people courted arrest at 17 centres spread over 15 districts, including the state capital Chandigarh. The number of women nearly equalled men at most places, and outnumbered men at some.  2500 workers were arrested at Mansa and Pathankot, detained for a few hours and later released at far off places. More than 1000 protestors each also courted arrest at Gurdaspur, Barnala, Sangrur, and Jalandhar. CPM Punjab Secretary Mangat Ram Pasla led the protestors in courting arrest at Jalandhar. At Gurdaspur, Chief Minister Sukhbir Badal was visiting the city, due to which the police cracked down with greater force on the protestors. At the State capital, Chandigarh, protestors assembled at the City Centre Plaza to defy Sec. 144, and held a dharna raising slogans for over an hour. The police and administration retreated after a brief confrontation.

At Mumbai, 8000 protestors from all over the Maharashtra, mobilized by Lal Nishan Party (Leninist), CPI(ML), Maharashtra Sarva Shramik Mahasangh, Kachra Vahatuk Sangh, and other unions together, hekd a 12-km- long March from Currey Road to Azad Maidan. The protestors included workers, peasants, adivasi people, and anganwadi women workers, and 80% of the marchers were women. Workersfrom Dahanu (in Thane district), adivasis and workers from Palghar taluka, and workers from Pune, Srirampur, Jalna and other districts were present in large numbers. The protest march passed Byculla and JJ Flyover to reach Azad Maidan, where a mass meeting was held. The main leaders of this protest were LNP(L) General Secretary Bhimrao Bansode, CPI(ML)'s Mumbai-Thane Committee Secretary Shyam Gohil, Comrade Uday Bhatt, Dhiraj Rathod, and others. Protestors under the banner of CPI(ML) also courted arrest at Nagpur.  

 In West Bengal, AILC partners CPI(ML) and CPRM participated in the Jail Bharo campaign and protests. Around 10,000 people all over the State courted arrest at 18 centres.

In the extended jute mill belt in North 24 Parganas, 2000 workers stormed into the SDO office in Barackpore. Agricultural workers also courted arrest in Basirhat and Barasat. In Nadia, 1200 protesters entered the DM building in Krishnanagar, and were lathicharged by the police, leaving four comrades were wounded. In Bardhaman, CPI(ML) Politburo member Kartick Pal led 1000 protestors in courting arrest after marching into the DM building-court compound. In Bankura, demonstrators broke barricades into the district headquarters, and were arrested following a scuffle with the police. The presence of tribal people, agricultural workers and farmers was conspicuous among these protestors. Jail Bharo was also observed in Murshidabad district, after a protest meeting at the district headquarter Berhampore.

In Hooghly, a rally of 1000 agricultural labourers, sharecroppers, farmers and workers marched from the Chinsura railway station and circled the town for an hour-and-half, before offering civil disobedience at the DM bulding and courting arrest.

In Kolkata city, a decorated rally marched from College Square to Esplanade, and the agitators, including State Secretary Partha Ghosh, courted arrest after storming police barricades.

In Darjeeling, over 350 protesters courted arrest after demonstrations at the Siliguri SDO office in Hill Cart Road. Among those who led the protest were CPI(ML) leaders Basudev Bose and Abhijit Mazumdar as well as CPRM leaders Gobind Chhetri, Arun Ghatani, and Kishor Pradhan. Protestors also courted arrest in Jalpaiguri town, Alipurduar, Balurghat of South Dinajpur, Raigunj of North Dinajpur, Howrah, South 24 Parganas, Malda and Birbhum.

On 25 August, a DCPM rally led by Comrade Alak Nandy at Banton (West Midnapore) was attacked by TMC goons, and a mass meeting was held on 30 August to protest the attack. During the campaigning for Jail Bharo, TMC goons in Bardhaman assaulted CPI(ML) District Secretary Salil Dutta on 29th August. The statewide Jail Bharo protests on 31st August demanded arrest and punishment for the perpetrators of this political attack, and an end to the culture of political violence in the State. Apart from the demands against corporate loot and Coalgate scam, the protests in West Bengal also focussed on the assault on democracy and rising violence on women in the state. Protestors demanded scrapping of Operation Green Hunt and UAPA, release of political prisoners, siphoning off of NREGA funds for the CM's tour of districts on the eve of Panchayat polls, and rampant ground-level corruption.   

In Assam, the Jail Bharo programme, in addition to the central slogans, also demanded an end to the ethnic violence and communal campaign in the State. Protestors courted arrest at the state capital, Guwahati, as well as Nagaon, Jorhat, Bargang, Rajgarh (Dibrugarh), and Tinsukia. In Barpeta, Jail Bharo could not be held because of curfew, and so a delegation led by Com. Dulal Sarkar and Naren Borah handed over a memorandum to the DC, Barpeta, addressed to the Chief Minister of Assam.

In Diphu, Karbi Anglong, a protest procession from the CPI(ML) office to the DC office was arrested en route, and the protestors detained at a temporary jail, where they held a protest meeting, addressed by CPI(ML) PB member Rubul Sarma, as well as Karbi Anglong Secretary Com. Rabi Kr. Phangcho, KNCA leader Com. Pratima Inghipi, KSA leader Com. Laisen Ingleng and others. The protest meeting passed resolutions demanding dismissal of the Tarun Gogoi Government for failure to control the ethnic clashes in the BTAD area, to intensify the movement against the deprivation and betrayal of the Govt. on Autonomous Statehood, and demanding CBI enquiry into the cases of rampant corruption of the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council.

In Tamilnadu, an intensive campaign preceded the Jail Bharo protest, with cadre meetings, workers' GBMs, and over a 100 padayatras were held all over the State, mainly in Chennai, Coimbatore, Tiruvallore, Kanyakumari, Salem, Tirunelveli and Namakkal. Jail Bharo protests were held at 19 centres in 16 districts, and 60% of the participants were women. A significant number of migrant workers participated in the protest at the state capital, Chennai.

In Andhra Pradesh, protestors courted arrest at East Godavari district HQ (Kakinada) followed by an impressive rally. Activists courted arrest at Prathipadu, Krishna District divisional HQ at Nuziveedu, Roluganta and Narsipatnam in Visakha district; Ananthpur, where an impressive rally was held; and Velugodu and Nandikotkuru mandal offices in Kurnool. 

In Odisha, protestors courted arrest at Koraput, Puri, Dasmantpur, Bhadrak, Rayagada, Keonjhar, Gajapati as well as the state capital, Bhubaneshwar. At Koraput, the police, on the pretext of curbing Maoism, disallowed protestors from holding a rally, arresting them at the Railway Station itself. All over the state, the protestors demanded resignation of PM Manmohan Singh as well as Odisha CM Naveen Patnaik for their role in the Coal scam, and an end to Operation Green Hunt's war on adivasis.   

In Karnataka, 1000 protestors courted arrest at Gangavati. Impressive protests were also held at Bangalore, Mysore, and Davangere. The attack by communal forces on migrant workers travelling to the State on the night of 30th August was one of the major issues in the protest at Bangalore.

Jail Bharo protests were held at Jhunjhunu, Udaipur, Pratapgarh, and Salumber in Rajasthan.

At Chhattisgarh, protestors at Supela including CPI(ML) and Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha leaders were jailed at Durg Central Jail before being released. Dharnas were held at Raipur and Bilaspur, where participants courted arrest.

In Uttarakhand, Jail Bharo protests were held at Pithoragarh, Lalkuan, Bhikyasain (Almora), Rudrapur, as well as Srinagar, Gauchar and Joshimath in Garhwal district.   

In Tripura, an impressive protest procession led by the CPI(ML) State Secretary Mrinmoy Chakraborty marched at Kailashahar, (Unakoti District), towards the SDM office. Thye first police barricade was broken and activists were arrested after a scuffle at the second barricade.  

Protestors were also arrested at Udaipur, Dharmanagar, Belonia, and at Karbook Sub-Division in the Autonomous District area in Tripura. 

Jail Bharo was also observed at Puducherry, and at Port Blair (Andamans).

Workers' Convention in WB

On 11th August, a workers' convention was held at Budge Budge in South 24 Parganas in West Bengal demanding reopening closed industries, revival of sick industries and reclaiming workers' dues all over the state, and in particular in the Budge Budge industrial belt.  The convention was part of a continuous campaign launched by AICCTU, following the hugely successful 16th May workers' convention held in Naihati earlier this year. Factory workers, jute mill workers, organized unions like the Bata workers' union, construction workers, women workers, as well as artists-writers-doctors from the civil society assembled at the packed Public Library hall in Budge Budge. Comrades Kishore Sarkar and Nabendu Dasgupta of AICCTU addressed the assembly and comrade Atanu Chakrabarty conducted the convention.

Issues like the plight of workers of closed factories, claiming workers' dues (like PF dues) running into crores of rupees, oppression of unorganized sector workers like construction workers, demand for housing for factory and mill workers etc. were reiterated in the convention proposal and the anti-worker response of the administration and labour ministry towards workers' problems was condemned.

Representatives of other trade unions like UTUC, CITU, AITUC, National Union for Jute Workers, construction workers' union from the Bata Riverside Project also addressed the convention. The need for a broad and united trade union movement to reinstate workers' rights and demands was agreed upon by all. In keeping with this spirit, AICCTU had undertaken a sustained campaign in preparation of the convention which included involving the civil society to petition for workers' demands, campaigning in extensive areas, arranging several group meetings with workers, deputations to the New Central Jute Mill authorities, demonstrations at the BDO level with specific demands of construction workers - thereby stirring up the Budge Budge industrial belt with issues of workers' demands and health of industries becoming the center of discussions. A 'Mazdoor Bachao Manch' has been constituted to bring different trade union workers and workers' sympathizers under a common umbrella. The response and enthusiasm so far looks promising to strive for a relentless struggle on workers' rights.

AIPWA Convention in Guwahati

The Assam unit of AIPWA organized a state level convention at Press Club, Guwahati on 25th August on the topic of 'Increasing violence on women and role of society'. The Convention was addressed by leaders of different women's organizations including the Assam unit of AIDWA, NFIW, KNCA, All Tiwa Women Association, Niryatan Virodhi Oikya Mancha, Nari Mukti Sangram Samiti, Bihattar Noonmati Nari Niryatan Virodhi Oikya Manch, Women Studies Research Centre (Gauhati University), North East Network, Purva Bharati Trust, Asom Lekhika Santha, Mahila Karmachari Santha, Sadou Asom Janasanskritik Parishad, Natun Sahitya Parishad, Datal Para Cultural Women Organisation, ASHA Santha, Anganwadi Santha and a group of women students from Cotton College took part in the convention.

The Convention was conducted by AIPWA state leader Anju Barkatoky and two appointed speakers Arupa Baruah, writer and journalist and Dr. Akhil Ranjan Dutta, progressive writer and Associate Professor, Guwahati University, delivered their speeches on the topic. Sri Mukul Kalita, a local journalist, who came to the help of the victim of 9th July G S Road molestation, described his experience as an eye witness. Leaders of the said women organizations placed their views and suggestions on the subject matter of the convention.

The convention unanimously resolved to unite all struggling women organisations and develop a united movement against cases of violence on women.

An approach paper from Assam State Committee of AIPWA was presented by AIPWA leader Junu Bora and state secretary Mrinali Devi spoke about the aims of the convention. AIPWA leader Raju Baruah, state president Bhadrawati Gogoi, state member Kanaklata Dutta were present in the convention. The convention was well organized and enthusiastic and more than 150 women attended the convention.

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