Wednesday, 18 February 2015

ML Update | 08 | 2015


ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol. 18, No. 08, 17 – 23 FEBRUARY 2015

Challenge Islamophobic and Racist Violence in the US and India

 

The murder of three young Muslims in the US, followed by the brutal violence by US police on an aged Indian man, Sureshbhai Patel, have once again shone the spotlight on deeply entrenched Islamophobia and racism in the USA.

In Chapel Hill, North Carolina, a Muslim man Deah Barakat, his wife Yusor Abu-Salha, and her sister Razan Mohammed Abu-Salha were gunned down in their home by a white neighbor. The killer had been reportedly been expressing prejudice and hatred for the hijab worn by Yusor Abu-Salha, and had picked fights before with the Muslim family.

In a familiar pattern, the US police are trying to portray the killings as the consequence of a 'parking dispute' rather than an Islamophobic hate crime. This is reminiscent of the Delhi Police chief trying to portray targeted vandalization and desecration of churches in India's national capital as a 'robbery', comparable to 'robberies' of temples.

The US media also largely ignored and trivialized the murders, thereby reflecting their own unwillingness to recognize and challenge Islamophobia. But local people, including neighbours, co-workers, and fellow students of the three victims, came out in large numbers to protest the hate crime. On social media also, outrage over the killings spilt over with the 'Muslim Lives Matter' hashtag, striking a chord with ongoing protests against racist murders that had used the 'Black Lives Matter' hashtag.

Soon after, in Alabama, police officers slammed an old Indian man on the ground, breaking his neck and partially paralyzing him. Sureshbhai Patel was visiting his son's family to help take care of his baby grandson. Seeing Sureshbhai on a walk in the neighbourhood, a neighbor reported to the police that a "skinny black guy" was wandering about, leading him to fear about his wife's safety. Sureshbhai communicated to the police that he was from India and could not speak English. But the senior police officer threw Sunilbhai on the ground, grievously injuring him.

Initially the Alabama police put out a press release justifying the police brutality and blaming Sureshbhai for disobeying the police. But following diplomatic intervention by India, the police officer has been sacked and arrested.

It would be a mistake to assume that the police behaviour against Sureshbhai Patel was an aberration. The attack on Sureshbhai is part of a pattern of similar incidents involving police high-handedness and killings of Black and Latina people in the US. In fact, the senior police officer who attacked Sureshbhai was giving the younger trainee officer a lesson in routine racist high-handedness and brutality. Aware that his actions and words were being recorded, he kept up a commentary falsely implying that Sureshbhai was being non-cooperative and violent. And in incident after incident of killings of Black and Latina men, the US police have literally got away with murder. They would have got away in Sureshbhai's case too, were it not for the diplomatic issues involved.

Indian civil liberties activists in the US have pointed out that it is not enough to respond to the attack on Sureshbhai by 'educating' US police officers to distinguish Indian Hindus from Blacks, or from Araband South Asian Muslims. Instead, the effort must be to forge solidarity between Black and Arab communities as well as South Asians of all faiths, to resist the fresh surge in racism and Islamophobia in the US.

At the same time, our outrage over the prejudice and violence meted out to Sureshbhai Patel in the US, must also serve to make us introspect about xenophobia and anti-Black racism in India. When Black people are subjected to mob violence in India, the politicians and police here, too, tend to blame such violence on 'criminal activities' by 'foreign nationals' rather than on racist prejudice. When people from North Eastern states are attacked in Indian cities, the police try to claim that the incidents are random rather than racist. Violence against Muslim economic migrants and refugees alike tends to be justified, celebrated and promoted as action against 'Bangladeshi infiltrators'.

Communal hatred and violence, at the hands of Hindu majoritarian groups as well as by police, against religious minorities in India has been systematic and state-sponsored. The BJP continues to systematically use anti-minority hatred and violence to expand its presence across India. Following President Obama's remarks on the need to curb religious intolerance and by the scathing call by New York Times for Modi to break his silence, the Indian Prime Minister has finally declared his Government's commitment to uphold religious freedom of all Indians. But these vague statements are mere lip service, given that no action has been taken against members of Modi's own Cabinet and his team of MPs who have been at the forefront of the hate-mongering. Further, his words ring hollow in the face of the systematic persecution of activists who have been striving to pursue cases of communal violence in which Modi himself is implicated, and the systematic impunity to the BJP President and police officers who staged fake encounters of Muslim men and women in Gujarat on Modi's own watch.

The Chapel Hill murders and the assault on Sureshbhai Patel have reminded us all that Islamophobic, racist and xenophobic prejudice and violence are no less a problem in the US than in India. The way forward is for movements against communalism, Islamophobia and racism in India, the US, UK and other countries to join hands with each other in closer solidarity and united struggle.

 

Mid Day Meal Workers Struggles in Bihar


In the workshop organized by the party in Muzaffarpur on 21-22 September 2014, it was decided to intensify and speedup the process of uniting the mid-day meal workers in Bihar. Since of the 1, 86,000 mid day meal workers, nearly 1, 25,000 of them are women, it was further decided that it would be most appropriate to bring them together under the banner of AIPWA under the leadership of AIPWA leaders. In keeping with this decision, efforts were initially started to bring together the women mid day meal workers in four blocks of Patna district- Fatuha, Dulhin Bazar, Punpun and Paliganj. Their main demands are- 1) As per the resolution no. 2401/20.7.07 passed by the General Administration Department of Bihar, pay an honorarium of 15,000/- per month, on a regular basis (at present they are paid merely 1000/- per month); 2) All the cooks should be given the status of government employee and thereafter they should be provided the facilities due to a fourth class employee; 3) All the cooks should be given an identity card and a uniform; 4) All the cooks be provided with the benefits of ESI and EPF; 5) all the cooks should be included in the accident and health insurance policies; 6) Female cooks should be provided with the facility to avail maternity leave, emergency leave and special leave; 7) the pending honorarium of all the cooks should be immediately paid; 8) The honorarium due to all the employees be deposited in their account; 9) The cooks should not be made to job that are not a part of their job profile, such as cleaning school premises, cleaning toilets, washing utensils, etc.; 10) All the mid day meal workers should be treated with dignity and should not be threatened with expulsion threats.

Focusing on the above mentioned demands, demonstrations were held in Dulhin Bazaar on 28 January, in Paliganj on 29 January and in Punpun on 4 February. Prior to the demonstration in Punpun, a convention was also held on 1 February in which 45 mid day meal workers were also present. Nearly 150 mid day meal workers participated in the demonstration in Dulhin Bazar, 100 in Paliganj and about 200 in Punpun. The state AIPWA President, Com. Saroj Dubey was present in all the demonstrations and after each demonstrations, the charter of demands was presented to the block officers.

On 1st February, 2015, a unit of State Midday Meal Workers' Association was also established in a convention held in Fatuha in which nearly 225 mid day meal workers participated. They shared their difficulties and problems. The convention ended with the formation of 23 member committee and by a passing a resolution to ensure the success of the programmes undertaken for 12 February and 24 March 2015, in continuation of the early initiatives.

On 12 February 2015, thousands of midday meal workers under the banners of State School Midday Meal Workers' Association and AIPWA staged demonstrations in different districts in front of the district officials. In the state capital, Patna, the protest demonstrations were led by state AIPWA President Com. Saroj Chaubey, state AIPWA Jt. Secretary Com. Anita Sinha, Patna AIPWA Vice President cum Sinhi Panchayat head, Com. Asha Devi along with several other state and district level AIPWA leaders. In Bhojpur district, the protests demonstrations were led by AIPWA General Secretary Com. Meena Tiwari and in Nawada, they were led by the Com. Shashi Yadav, AIPWA Secretary. In Gaya, the protest demonstrations were led by Comrade Reeta Baranwaal and in Siwan, Comrades Sohila Gupta, Malti Ram, Kumanti Ram led the protests along with other leaders.

In the protest demonstrations held in Patna, the speakers pointed out how in Bihar, the mid day meal workers were being paid only Rs. 33/- day for only ten months in a year, despite working for nearly 8 to 8 ½ hours every day. This was in clear violation of resolution no. 2401/20.7.2007 of the Bihar government's Common Administrative Department according to which the workers were to be paid an honorarium of Rs.15,000/month. In protest demonstrations in different states, the workers pointed out how even the current wages were paid after considerable delays and not deposited in their accounts. The charter of demands of the mid day workers were submitted to the district officials of the different districts.


First State Convention of the Insaaf Manch in Bihar 

 

The 'Insaaf Manch' (Platform for Justice) was formed an year ago in Muzaffarpur to raise the voices of minorities, dalits and women. In one of its major initiatives, the Insaaf Manch had organized successful movements against witch hunting of minority youth who were falsely implicated by NIA in terror cases. In some of the cases relating to the Patna bomb blasts, the NIA had been forced to release boys whom it had initially picked up and tortured, and in one case, mass protests by villagers themselves had prevented NIA from being able to abduct and torture a young man.

The Insaaf Manch has also made significant interventions in the cases involving mass killings of Dalits. The Insaaf Manch held its founding Bihar State convention on 15 February 2015. The convention was held at the Gate Public Library in Patna. CPI (ML) General Secretary Com. Dipankar Bhattacharya, President of the UP unit of Rihar Manch, Mohd. Shoaib Inqualabi, Convenor of the Inquilabi Muslim Conference, Com. Salim, and others participated in the conference.

Addressing the convention, Com. Dipankar Bhattacharya said that it is not the ruling class but the common masses who will set the political agenda of the country. The slogan of 'sabka saath-sabka vikas' (support of all- development for all) has been proved to be a lie. The issues of the common masses included- home, food, employment, land, peace and harmony and these were the agenda for people's struggles. After coming to power with a clear majority, BJP has speeded up the economic policies introduced in the 90's, is running the government mainly by way of ordinances and instead of fulfilling the promises it made to people, it has started working for the benefit of a handful of rich corporations and imperialist interests. Meanwhile the RSS has started showing its true colours and its cadre is enjoying complete support from the central government. The BJP government had not only compromised the sovereignty of the country by signing the nuclear deal but had also endangered the life of the citizens. However, the Delhi elections had shown that people were not pleased with the policies of the BJP government. He also spoke about how the youth from minority communities were being targeted in the name of fighting terrorism. The Insaaf Manch, he said, had proved to be a platform reflecting the concerns of democratic citizens for the young boys and men who are picked up and tortured by security agencies to falsely accuse them of terrorism.

Referring to the current political situation in Bihar, Com. Dipankar pointed out that while on one hand, Nitish Kumar who had initially made Jitan Ram Manjhi the CM of Bihar was now bent on having him removed. On the other hand, BJP which had over the years provided political patronage to those responsible for the numerous mass killings of Dalits and had compared Ranveer Sena chief Brahmeshwar Mukhiya to Gandhi, was now trying to prove itself as a well wisher of the Mahadalits by supporting Jitan Ram Manjhi. The attitude of both the JD (U) and the BJP towards Mahadalits is evident from their own actions.

Com. Salim, the national convenor of the Inquilabi Muslim Conference, in his speech said that in times when the fascist forces were trying to run their dictatorship in the country and the secularism and democracy were under threat, the struggles fought by the Insaaf Manch in Bihar were indeed laudable. He cautioned that the attempts of the BJP to destroy the secular fabric of the country and compromise it's sovereignty for the benefit of handful of individuals and the US, will be strongly resisted and defeated.

Prof. Jameel Saheb, Anwar Hussain, Islamuddin, Neyaz Ahmad, Shahid Muzaffarpuri, Manoj Manzil and several other leaders also addressed the convention. In their speeches, they all pointed out that the minority communities had now understood how the ruling parties assumed silence on the question of justice be it in the case of witch hunting of Muslim youth in the name of terrorism or on the issue of justice to the victims of mass killings of Dalits in Laxmanpur Bathe and Bathani Tola. They spoke about the hope of justice that the Insaaf Manch had been able to inspire among the minorities and the Dalits through their various initiatives and interventions.

Towards the closing of the convention, a 57 member state level committee was formed with Mohd. Iftekhaar Aalam as the President and Suraj Kumar Singh as the Secretary. 


Workshop for women workers in Uttar Pradesh


A workshop for women workers was jointly organized by AIPWA and AICCTU in Kanpur on 25 January 2015. The women workers who participated in the conference included women working in factories, nursing homes and laundries in Kanpur and also the mid day meal workers in the state primary schools. Addressing the participants, state Jt. Secretary of AIPWA Com. Kusum Verma said that in the present times when the current government was planning to introduce several anti-workers' policies and laws, it was important that the workers working in different areas unite to resist and defeat such moves. She added that women workers had to put with double oppression. From home to work, they had to face insecurity and discrimination. She pointed out that provisions like day care facilities at work places for children of working women, double wages for overtime and secure transportation service for women working in night shifts were integral parts of labour laws and that AIPWA and AICCTU would unite working women to assertively raise these demands and ensure equal wages and dignified working conditions for women. Addressing the workshop, the district president of AIPWA, Com. Shivani Verma said that under the present system, working women have to play a dual role in societal development. One hand they have to take up the responsibility of raising their children and on the other hand participate in the production process. However given the patriarchal structures, they have to face oppression on both fronts. During the workshop, the honorary President of AIPWA, Com. Vidya Rajwar that there were provisions for providing free education to the children of working women and for providing them with cycles for the purpose of commutation under the 'U.P. Buildings and other construction workers welfare ordinance' and these could be availed only by mobilizing and uniting with organization's struggles.


Construction Workers' Protest in Lucknow


On 22 December 2015, nearly 300 construction workers demonstrated outside the office of Deputy Labour Commissioner under the banner of the AICCTU affiliated Construction Workers' Union, to protest against the obstacles being posed in the registration and delivery of benefits to the workers and in support of their basic rights. Secretary of the Construction Workers Union, Nomi Laal, other leaders of construction workers- Kaamta Prasad, Bhanumati, Keshav Mishra, Geeta ji, District in charge of CPI (ML) Com. Ramesh Singh Sengar, leader of Railway Workers' Union, Com. Magan ji and Scooter India Workers' Union Aarbi Singh addressed the protest demonstration. The leaders pointed out the big scale rigging that was taking place and also that for long they had they been demanding that the opinions of the registered workers' unions be taken into account. However no heed was being paid to these demands. Our union has been demanding that basic provisions such as night shelters at labour sites, toilets, tin shades for resting purpose and safe drinking water facilities be provided to the construction workers. However, neither has any action been taken so far by the concerned authorities, nor have they even bothered to provide any updates regarding the progress on the aforementioned demands. Several speakers also raised the demands of providing identity cards and ration cards to all the workers who had come from the outside states such as Bihar, Jharkhand, and Chhattisgarh or even from districts in UP outside Lucknow. They also demanded that the names of these workers, who had given their sweat and blood for the development of Lucknow, be added in the BPL list and they should be given places to stay. The speakers also pointed out that while certain provisions did exist for the registered workers such as provision of Rs.1,00,000/- for building house for workers who have land, it was unlikely for a construction worker to have land in Lucknow. During the protests, list of demands were submitted to the concerned authorities which included- 1) Camps be organized on construction sites on specified dates and time for the registration of construction workers; 2) Provisions such as toilets, tin shades for taking rest and drinking water facility, be made available on construction sites; 3) All construction workers be issued red ration cards and their names be included in the BPL list; 4) Colonies should be established for providing housing facilities to construction workers; 5) There should be effective mechanisms to ensure that wages usurped by the building owners or builders be paid to the workers; 6) There should effective mechanisms to ensure that the provisions and benefits guaranteed to the workers through various laws are made available to them.


Protest against Hindu Mahasabha's threats on valentines day

The Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha had issued threats prior to 14 February that couples seen holding hands or displaying any other form of affection publicly on the Valentine's Day would be forcibly married off. The Hindu Mahasabha had further warned of conducting ghar waapsi in case of inter-religious couples. Responding to such anti constitutional diktats that reflect utter disdain towards individuals' freedom to choose and express, several progressive organizations including AISA and JNUSU, called for a protest outside the Hindu Mahasabha office in Delhi on 14 February 2015. In a creative form of protest, the students and youth had come with garlands and musical instruments daring the Hindu Mahasabha cadre to carry out their threats of marrying them. The protestors included couples belonging to different religions, castes and sexual identities. They raised slogans on the lines of "Fall in love, not in line"; "No Man shall be discriminated for wearing a sari and no woman shall be violated for a short skirt"; "In love, our consent is all that matters, we neither fear your threats, nor your fetters"! However, the Delhi police instead of protecting the rights of common citizens and taking actions against those who had issued threats chose to cordon off the area outside the Mahasabha office and detain the protestors who were only asserting their right to choice and expression. While the political patronage accorded to the threat issuing cadres of saffron brigade was clearly evident, the students and youth demonstrated that they were not the ones to bow done in face of such right wing threats.

Edited, published and printed by S. Bhattacharya for CPI(ML) Liberation from U-90, Shakarpur, Delhi-92; printed at Bol Publication, R-18/2, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar, Delhi-92; Phone:22521067; fax: 22442790, e-mail: mlupdate@cpiml.org, website: www.cpiml.org

Saturday, 14 February 2015


ഭരണഘടനയ്ക്കെതിരെ നിഗൂഢത നിറഞ്ഞ ആക്രമണങ്ങള്‍
ഇക്കഴിഞ്ഞ റിപ്പബ്ലിക് ദിനത്തോടനുബന്ധിച്ചു മോഡി സര്ക്കാരിന്റെ വാര്ത്താ വിനിമയ വകുപ്പ് മന്ത്രാലയം പ്രസിദ്ധപ്പെടുത്തിയ ഒരു പരസ്യത്തില്‍ ഇന്‍ഡ്യന്‍ ഭരണഘടനയുടെ ആമുഖം ആയ ടെക്സ്റ്റ്‌ അച്ചടിച്ചത് യഥാക്രമം  'മതേതരം' എന്നും 'സോഷ്യലിസ്റ്റ്' എന്നും അതിനെ വിശേഷിപ്പിക്കുന്ന പദങ്ങള്‍ ഒഴിവാക്കിക്കൊണ്ടായിരുന്നു .  


 "WE, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens: JUSTICE, social, economic and political; LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; EQUALITY of status and of opportunity; And to promote among them all FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation; IN OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this twenty-sixth day of November, 1949, do HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION."എന്ന ആമുഖം (preamble ) ആണ് SOCIALIST, SECULAR എന്നീ വാക്കുകള്‍ നീക്കപ്പെട്ട നിലയില്‍ കേന്ദ്ര സര്‍ക്കാരിന്റെ ഔദ്യോഗിക പരസ്യത്തില്‍ കണ്ടത്  .
2015 ലെ റിപ്പബ്ലിക് ദിനപ്പരസ്യത്തില്‍ സര്ക്കാര്‍ വരുത്തിയ ഗൌരവാവഹമായ  ഈ തെറ്റ് ചോദ്യം ചെയ്യപ്പെട്ടതോടെ, മോഡി സര്ക്കാരും , ബി ജെ പി യുടെയും സഖ്യ കക്ഷികളുടെയും രാഷ്ട്രീയ വക്താക്കളും പരസ്പര വിരുദ്ധമായ വിശദീകരണങ്ങളോടെയാണ്  സര്ക്കാരിനെ അതിന്റെ ഉത്തരവാദിത്വത്തില്‍ നിന്നും മോചിപ്പിക്കാന്‍ വലിയ തിരക്കുകൂട്ടിയത് .
ആദ്യം വിശദീകരണവുമായി എത്തിയത് വാര്ത്താ വിതരണ മന്ത്രാലയം തന്നെയായിരുന്നു .1950 പ്രീആമ്പിളിന്റെ ഒരു വാട്ടര്‍ മാര്ക്ക് (മാതൃക ) കൊടുക്കാന്‍ മാത്രമേ പരസ്യത്തില്‍ ഉദ്ദേശിച്ചിരുന്നുള്ളൂ എന്ന് വിശദീകരിച്ചുകൊണ്ട് , അത് ഉപയോഗിച്ചതിന്റെ പേരില്‍ , ഭേദഗതി ചെയ്ത ഇപ്പോഴത്തെ പ്രീആമ്പിളുമായുള്ള  വ്യത്യാസം എന്തിന് ഇത്രയേറെ കോലാഹലം ഉണ്ടാക്കണം എന്നും നിഷ്കളങ്ക ഭാവത്തോടെ പ്രസ്തുത മന്ത്രാലയത്തിലെ അധികാരികള്‍  ചോദിച്ചു .പക്ഷെ, കാര്യങ്ങള്‍ അവിടെ അവസാനിച്ചിരുന്നുവെങ്കില്‍ ,ഭരണഘടനയുടെ ഇപ്രകാരമുള്ള  തെറ്റായ പ്രതിനിധാനത്തെ ചോദ്യം ചെയ്ത  പൌരന്മാരുടെ  ആശങ്കകളും അവിടെ തീര്ന്നേനെ.
പക്ഷെ, തൊട്ടു പിന്നാലെ ബിജെപി യുടെ സഖ്യ ശക്തിയായ ശിവസേന ന്യായീകരണവുമായി രംഗത്ത് വന്നു .പ്രസ്തുത പദങ്ങള്‍  ഒഴിവായിപ്പോയത് എത്രയും നന്നായി എന്നും, യാദൃശ്ചികമായി ഇപ്പോള്‍ സംഭവിച്ചത്  എത്രയും പെട്ടെന്ന് ഒരു യാഥാര്ഥ്യമാവുകയാണ് വേണ്ടതെന്നും പറഞ്ഞു.. അതിനും പിന്നാലെ , 'സോഷ്യലിസ്റ്റ്' , 'മതേതര' എന്നീ രണ്ട് പദങ്ങള്‍ ഭരണഘടനയുടെ പ്രീയാംബിളില്‍ വേണോ വേണ്ടയോ എന്നത് സംബന്ധിച്ച് ഒരു ദേശീയ സംവാദം വേണമെന്ന് ഉയര്ന്ന പദവിയിലുള്ള ഒരു ബി ജെ പി നേതാവും മോഡി സര്ക്കാരിലെ ടെല്‍കോം വകുപ്പ് മന്ത്രിയുമായ രവിശങ്കര്‍ പ്രസാദ് ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ടു. ഒരു വശത്ത് ഈ രണ്ടു വാക്കുകള്‍ പൊടുന്നനെ അപ്രത്യക്ഷമാക്കിയവരുടെ പ്രവൃത്തിയെ ന്യായീകരിച്ചും, മറുവശത്ത് അവ നീക്കം ചെയ്യുന്നതിനെക്കുറിച്ച് 'ദേശീയ സംവാദം' ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ടും ഉള്ള വാദങ്ങള്ക്കിടെ മറ്റൊരു വാദം കൂടി സര്ക്കാരിന്റെ പ്രവൃത്തിയെ ന്യായീകരിക്കാനെന്നോണം ഉയര്ത്തപ്പെട്ടു; 'സെക്യുലര്‍', ,'സോഷ്യലിസ്റ്റ് ' എന്നീ വിശേഷണങ്ങള്‍ ഭരണഘടനയുടെ  പ്രീയാംപിളില്‍ എഴുതിച്ചേര്‍ക്കപ്പെട്ടത് ഇന്ദിരാ ഗാന്ധിയുടെ അടിയന്തരാവസ്ഥാവാഴ്ച ക്കാലത്തായിരുന്നുവെന്നും,   അടിയന്തരാവസ്ഥയുടെ കളങ്കമുദ്രകള്‍ പേറുന്നവയായതുകൊണ്ട് കൂടി ആ വാക്കുകള്‍ നീക്കം ചെയ്യപ്പെടേണ്ടവയാനെന്നും  സംഘപരിവാര്‍ വക്താക്കള്‍ വാദിച്ചു .(to continue..)




The Shiv Sena and Ravishankar Prasad revealed the real 'Mann ki Baat' behind the omission of the words 'secular' and 'socialist' from the Preamble as displayed in the Modi Government advertisement. That 'Mann ki Baat' is nothing but the agenda of eroding secularism to head in the direction of a 'Hindu Rashtra' in which minorities will not enjoy equality and freedom. It is extremely significant that throughout, the Prime Minister Narendra Modi maintained a calculated silence on the subject, allowing his Government and party to speak in many voices.    
Many offensive amendments made by Indira Gandhi to the Constitution were deleted by subsequent amendments by the Janata Government as well as by Supreme Court intervention. But no Government in the four decades since the Emergency has ever yet felt the need to 'debate' the inclusion of the words 'secular' and socialist', and there is good reason for this.  
The main reason is that those words simply underlined or amplified the assurance present in the rest of Preamble, as well as in many Articles of the Constitution. The word 'Secular' only reflects the spirit of the Preamble's guarantee of 'liberty of faith and worship', of equality, and of fraternity based on the 'dignity of the individual'. And this spirit is fully reflected in several Articles of the Constitution.
What about 'socialist'? It may be argued that with the passing of the 'public sector' regime and the establishment of liberalization as a policy framework, is has become anachronistic to call India 'socialist.' Others can argue, rightly, apart from the outward trappings of five-year plans and public sector, the Indian State was not socialist in any sense of the term. India was never even a welfare state, let alone socialist in the revolutionary sense. The failure to carry out land reforms and democratise agrarian relations, and the growing subordination of the public sector to the interests of crony capitalism are the two biggest negations of any kind of socialism.
But what these arguments forget is that the term 'socialist' is important in as much as it reflects the spirit of 'social, economic and political justice' promised in both the Preamble and the directive principles of state policy. At a time when Governments are trying to step back from their duty of ensuring basic entitlements of food, shelter, water and so on to the people, the Constitutional commitment to that duty is important. At the present juncture, any move to drop the word 'socialist' is nothing but a ploy to claim Constitutional 'approval' for the rampant flouting of the principles of social and economic justice by Governments.  
In a recent interview, BJP President Amit Shah has reiterated that his party sees no need to remove the words 'socialist' and 'secular' from the Preamble. But it is significant that in the same interview, Shah refused point blank to comment in any way on RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat's declaration that India is a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu Nation). If the BJP is indeed committed to the secular spirit of India's Constitution, why is it unwilling to outright condemn the RSS' 'Hindu Nation' claim that is the worst possible attack on that spirit? In the same interview, Amit Shah defended what his party calls 'ghar wapsi' and called for a 'law against conversions' – both of which fly in the face of the Constitutional guarantee of the freedom to practice and propagate one's faith.
Ravishankar Prasad and others may ask, rhetorically, if Ambedkar was less secular because he saw no need to include the word 'secular' in the Preamble. But can there be any doubt whatsoever that Ambedkar was deeply opposed to the notion of India being a theocratic 'Hindu Rashtra'? Ambedkar himself organized mass conversions to Buddhism and declared, 'I may be born a Hindu but I will not die a Hindu'. Can there be any doubt that Ambedkar would find a 'law against conversions' opposed to the basic spirit of India's Constitution as he drafted it?  
A 'Hindu Rashtra' is not just deeply dangerous for India's religious minorities. It also spells an end to the Constitutional promise of equality and freedom for India's Dalits, adivasis, oppressed castes and women. At the time when India adopted the Constitution, the RSS had opposed it and had called for the Manusmriti to be the Constitution of India as a 'Hindu Rashtra'. The RSS organ Organiser, on November 30 1949, had complained that the Constitution had no mention of the Manusmriti – the same Manusmriti that is full of horrific decrees against the basic dignity and freedom of Dalits and women, the same Manusmriti that Ambedkar had publicly burnt.
It is precisely as a rebuff of and safeguard against these forces that seek to turn India into a Hindu nation that India's Constitution and Preamble must continue to declare India's secular character without any room for ambiguity.

Thursday, 12 February 2015

  മോഡിയ്ക്കുള്ള ആദ്യത്തെ കനത്ത പ്രഹരം ഡെല്‍ഹി
നിവാസികളില്‍ നിന്ന് 

വെറും ഒന്പത് മാസങ്ങള്‍ക്ക് മുന്പത്തെ  പാർലമെന്റ്  തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് ഫലപ്രഖ്യാപനത്തിലൂടെ അജയ്യമെന്ന് തോന്നിച്ച ഒരു നിലയില്‍നിന്നുകൊണ്ട്  2015 ഫെബ്രുവരിയിൽഡെൽഹിയിൽ സംസ്ഥാന തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിനെ നേരിട്ട ബി ജെ പി യുടെ ജനപിന്തുണയാകെ ഇടിഞ്ഞു തരിപ്പണമായി.

2014 മേയില്‍ 7 ലോക് സഭാ മണ്‍ഡലങ്ങളില്‍പ്പെട്ട 60 നിയമസഭാ സീറ്റുകളിലും ആധിപത്യം നേടിയ ബിജെപിയെ വെറും ഒന്പത് മാസങ്ങള്ക്ക് ശേഷം ഡെല്ഹി നിയമസഭയില്‍ ഏതാണ്ട് പൂര്ണ്ണമായും നിര്‍വീര്യമാക്കിക്കൊണ്ടാണ് 95 % സീറ്റുകളും 54% വോട്ടുകളും ആം ആദ്മി പാര്ട്ടി നേടിയെ ടുത്തത് . പാര്‍ലമെന്റില്‍ സമീപകാലത്തു ഉണ്ടായ അഭൂതപൂര്‍വ്വമായ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് നേട്ടത്തിന്റെ ഔദ്ധത്യത്തോടെ  ഇന്ത്യ ഭരിക്കുന്ന ബി ജെ പി, 70 മണ്ഡലങ്ങള്‍ ഉള്ള ഡെല്ഹി സംസ്ഥാനത്തിലെ  നിയമ സഭയില്‍ വെറും മൂന്നു സീറ്റുകളിലേക്ക് ഒതുങ്ങിയത് ഒരു നിസ്സാര സംഭവമല്ല.
ഡെൽഹി തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് ഫലങ്ങളെ പ്രാഥമികമായും നമ്മൾവീക്ഷിക്കുന്നത് AAP യുടെ നേതൃത്വത്തില്‍, വെറും 49 ദിവസം കേജരീവാളിന്റെ നേതൃത്വ ത്തില്‍ അധികാരത്തില്‍ ഇരുന്ന ഒരു സർക്കാർജനഭാവനകളുമായി ചെറിയതോതിലെങ്കിലും ബന്ധം പുലര്ത്താൻ ശ്രമിച്ചപ്പോഴുണ്ടായ പ്രത്യാഘാതങ്ങളെത്തുടർന്ന് ജനാധിപത്യ പരമായ ശൈലിയില്‍, നാടകീയമായി അധികാരമൊഴിഞ്ഞ ഒരു പശ്ചാത്തലത്തില്‍ ആണ്. ഇത്തവണയാകട്ടെ,  AAP മുന്നോട്ടു വെച്ച തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ്  വാഗ്ദാനങ്ങള്‍ യാഥാര്‍ഥ്യ മാക്കാന്‍ സ്പഷ്ടവും സുനിശ്ചിതവും ഏതാണ്ട് പൂര്ണ്ണവും ആയ  പിൻതുണനല്കുന്ന വിധിയെഴുത്ത് ആണ് ഡെൽഹിയിലെ വോട്ടർമാരില്‍ നിന്ന് ഉണ്ടായിരിക്കുന്നത് .നഗരത്തിലെ ദരിദ്ര ജനവിഭാഗങ്ങളും ചേരിനിവാസികളായി ജീവിതം ഒതുക്കപ്പെട്ടവരും മാത്രമല്ല ,മദ്ധ്യ വര്‍ഗ്ഗങ്ങളില്‍പ്പെട്ട വോട്ടര്‍മാര്‍ പോലും കൂട്ടത്തോടെ AAP യെ പിന്തുണച്ചത്  ഈ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിലെ അഭൂതപൂര്‍വ്വമാക്കിയ ഒരു സവിശേഷതയാണ് .
ബി ജെ പി യ്ക്ക് ഇത് നല്ല പോലെ മനസ്സിലായിരുന്നു. അത് മൂലം, ബി ജെ പി കയ്യിലുണ്ടായിരുന്ന എല്ലാ വിദ്യകളും അങ്ങേയറ്റം വരെ പയറ്റി നോക്കി .

കേന്ദ്ര ഭരണത്തിന്റെ എല്ലാ അധികാരവും സൌകര്യങ്ങളും ഉപയോഗിച്ച് മോഡി സ്വയം നേതൃത്വം വഹിക്കുകയും, സാമുദായികമായ ധ്രുവീകരണം സൃഷിട്ടിച്ചു അനുകൂല വോട്ടുകൾസമ്പാദിക്കാൻപ്രത്യേക സാമര്ഥ്യമുണ്ടെന്നു വിശ്വസിച്ച അമിത് ഷായേയും , അത്ഭുത കഥകളിലേത്‌ പോലുള്ള ആര്‍ എസ് എസ് സംഘടനാ വൈഭവത്തെയും ഉപയോഗപ്പെടുത്തുകയും ചെയ്തു.  പക്ഷെ, ബി ജെ പി യുടെ ഓരോ നീക്കത്തിനും ഉചിതമായ തിരിച്ചടി നല്കി ആ പാര്ട്ടിയെ ഫലത്തില്‍ സമ്പൂര്‍ണ്ണമായി തൂത്തെറിഞ്ഞ ഒന്നായി ഡെൽഹി നിയമ സഭയിലേക്കുള്ള ജനവിധി. മോഡില്‍ സങ്കല്‍പ്പിക്കപ്പെട്ട നേതൃ വൈഭവത്തിന്റെയും  കേന്ദ്ര സര്ക്കാരിന്റെയും വക്താക്കൾതന്നെ ഫെബ്രുവരി ഡല്ഹി തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിനെ ഒരു അഭിമാന പ്രശ്‌ നമായിചിത്രീകരിച്ച നിലയ്ക്ക് ,ഇപ്പോഴുണ്ടായ  ദയനീയമായ തോല്‍വിയുടെ കാരണം പ്രാദേശിക വിഷയങ്ങളോ മറ്റെന്തോ ആണെന്ന് വരുത്താനുള്ള അവരുടെ ശ്രമം വിജയിക്കാൻ പോകുന്നില്ല . 

   വരുംനാളുകളില്‍ സുനിശ്ചിതമായ രണ്ട് സന്ദേശങ്ങളാണ് ഡെല്‍ഹി നിയമസഭാ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് ഫലങ്ങള്‍ ഇന്‍ഡ്യയ്കാകമാനംനല്കാന്‍ പോകുന്നത്. കോർപ്പറേറ്റ്കൊള്ളയുടെ ഫലമായ ദാരിദ്ര്യ വല്ക്കരണത്തിനും അവകാശ നിഷേധങ്ങള്‍ക്കും എതിരെ നഗരപ്രദേശങ്ങളിലെ ദരിദ്രരും അധ്വാനിക്കുന്ന ജനവിഭാഗങ്ങളും യുവ ജനതയും ഒരു പോലെ നടത്തിവരുന്ന പോരാട്ടങ്ങളുടെ ദുര്ഘടവും നീണ്ടതുമായ പാതയിലെ ഒരു സുപ്രധാന വഴിത്തിരിവാണ് അത് എന്നതാണ് ഒന്നാമത്തെ കാര്യം. ഒന്നല്ലെങ്കിൽ മറ്റൊരു പാർട്ടിയിൽ നിന്ന്  വോട്ടുകൾAAP പക്ഷത്തേയ്ക്ക് ചോര്ന്ന് ഉണ്ടായ ഒരു വിജയമായി അതിനെ കാണുന്നതിനു പകരം, ജനങ്ങളുടെ അഭിലാഷങ്ങളുടെ നിര്ണ്ണായകമായ വിധത്തിലുള്ള ഒരപൂര്‍വ്വ പ്രകടനം ആയി അതിനെ കാണാൻമാനിക്കാനും നാം ബാധ്യസ്ഥരാണ്.  ഇത് നല്കുന്ന രണ്ടാമത്തെ സന്ദേശം, അധികാരം കൊണ്ട് ഉന്മത്തമായ മോഡി ഭരണകൂടത്തിന്റെ സ്വേച്ഛാധികാര പ്രവണതകളോടും ബി ജെ പി യുടെ വര്ഗീയ അജണ്ടയോടും അവയര്ഹിക്കും വിധത്തില്‍ ജനങ്ങള്‍ പ്രതികരിക്കുകയും, അവയെ കൈകാര്യം ചെയ്യുകയും ചെയ്തുവെന്നതാണ്‌.
AAP മുന്നോട്ടു വെക്കുന്ന രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തിന്റെ മാതൃക അല്പ്പം ആഴത്തിലുള്ള  മറ്റൊരു സന്ദേശം കൂടിനല്കുന്നുണ്ട് .AAP യെ ബി ജെ പി ആക്രമണ ലക്ഷ്യമാക്കിയത്‌, അരാജകമായ മനോഭാവങ്ങള്‍ക്കും പ്രവര്ത്തനങ്ങള്‍ക്കും നേതൃത്വം നല്കുന്ന ഒരു പാര്ട്ടിയെന്ന നിലയില്‍ അതിനെതിരെ പ്രചാരണങ്ങള്‍ അഴിച്ചുവിട്ടു കൊണ്ടായിരുന്നു .
 എന്നാല്‍ ഡെല്‍ഹിയിലെ ജനങ്ങള്‍ ആം ആദ്മി പാര്ട്ടിയെക്കുറിച്ച്  വിലയിരുത്തുന്നത് തികച്ചും വ്യത്യസ്തമായ തരത്തിൽ ആയിരുന്നു . ബിജെ പി യുടെ ആരോപണങ്ങള്‍ക്ക് കടക വിരുദ്ധമായിട്ടാണതെന്ന് ഇപ്പോള്‍ സംശയാതീതമായി തെളിഞ്ഞിരിക്കുന്നു. കേജ്രിവാള്‍ നേരത്തെ രാജിവെച്ച നടപടിയെ ജനങ്ങള്‍ അല്പ്പം നിരാശയോടെയും നീരസത്തോടെയും കണ്ടിരുന്നുവെന്നത്  വാസ്തവം ആയിരിക്കുമ്പോഴും ,രാഷ്ട്രീയ സംവിധാനത്തിലുടനീളം നിറഞ്ഞു നിന്ന 'വി ഐ പി  സംസ്കാരത്തെ' ഇല്ലാതാക്കാനും , ഭരണവും ജനകീയ പ്രക്ഷോഭങ്ങളും തമ്മില്‍ പ്രത്യേക നിലവാരത്തില്‍ പരസ്പര പൂരകമാക്കാനും ഉള്ള ചില കാല്‍ വെപ്പുകള്‍ക്ക് തുടക്കം കുറിക്കാന്‍ AAP നേതൃത്വം ശ്രമിച്ചിരുന്നുവെന്നത് AAP യില്‍ തുടര്ന്നും പ്രതീക്ഷകള്‍ കേന്ദ്രീകരിക്കാന്‍ ഡെല്‍ഹി വോട്ടര്‍മാരെ പ്രേരിപ്പിച്ചുവന്നത് പ്രധാനപ്പെട്ട ഒരു സംഗതിയാണ് ..
AAP രൂപീകരണത്തിന് പിന്നിലെ രാഷ്ട്രീയ പരിണാമത്തിന്റെ  നാള്‍വഴികള്‍ ഡെല്‍ഹിയിലും പുറത്തും  ഇനിയും ഏറെ താല്‍പ്പര്യം ഉണര്ത്തുന്നവയാണ് . പാര്ട്ടി ആദ്യമായി നേരിട്ട പൊതു തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് ഡിസംബര്‍ 2013 ലെ ഡെല്‍ഹി നിയമ സഭാ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ്‌ ആയിരുന്നു. തുടക്കത്തില്‍ത്തന്നെ  സിദ്ധിച്ച ഡെല്‍ഹി വിജയത്തിന്റെ ആവേശവും സന്ദേശവും രാജ്യവ്യാപകമായി ഉണര്ത്തുന്നത്തിന്റെ പ്രസക്തിയും പ്രാധാനയവും തിരിച്ചറിഞ്ഞു കൊണ്ടാണ് 2014 പാര്‍ലമെന്റ് തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിന്റെ വിശാലമായ വേദിയിലേക്ക് പിന്നീട് AAP ഇറങ്ങിയത്‌ . മാത്രവുമല്ല, ബി ജെ പി യുടെ പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി സ്ഥാനാര്ഥിയായിരുന്ന  നരേന്ദ്ര മോഡിയെ നേരിട്ട് എതിര്‍ക്കുന്നതിന് വേണ്ടി യു പി യിലെ വാരണാസി മണ്ഡലത്തില്‍ തന്റെ സ്ഥാനാര്‍ഥിത്വം  പ്രഖ്യാപിച്ച് കേജ്രിവാള്‍ പ്രചാരണത്തില്‍ മുഴുകുകയും ചെയ്തു . മോഡി സര്ക്കാര്‍ അധികാരമേറിയതിനു ശേഷം AAP വീണ്ടും ഡെല്‍ഹി കേന്ദ്രമാക്കി പ്രവര്ത്തിക്കാന്‍ തുടങ്ങുകയാണുണ്ടായത്.  AAP അതിന്റെ എല്ലാ  ഊര്ജ്ജവും വിഭവ ശേഷിയും ഡെല്‍ഹിയിൽ കേന്ദ്രീകരിക്കുകയും, തിരിച്ചു വന്നപ്പോള്‍ കേജ്രിവാള്‍  സംസ്ഥാന ഭരണത്തില്‍ നിന്നും രാജി വെച്ചിറങ്ങിയ തന്റെ മുന്‍ നടപടി തെറ്റായിപ്പോയെന്ന് ജനങ്ങളോട് ഏറ്റു പറയുകയും ചെയ്തു.  ഇനിയിപ്പോള്‍ ഡെൽഹി സംസ്ഥാന ഭരണത്തില്‍ ശ്രദ്ധ കേന്ദ്രീകരിക്കവേ തന്നെ സ്വന്തം രാഷ്ട്രീയ സാന്നിധ്യവും സ്വാധീനവും  ദേശീയതലത്തിലേക്ക്  AAP എങ്ങിനെയാണ് വ്യാപിപ്പിക്കുന്നത് എന്ന്‌ കാണേണ്ടിയിരിക്കുന്നു .
ഡെല്‍ഹിയുടെ അവഗണിതമായ പ്രദേശങ്ങളില്‍ പാര്ക്കുന്ന ദരിദ്ര ജനവിഭാഗങ്ങളും ദളിതരും മുസ്ലിങ്ങളും നഗരപ്രാന്തങ്ങളിലെ പാവപ്പെട്ടവരും പരമരാഗതമായി വോട്ട് ചെയ്തിരുന്നത് കോണ്‍ഗ്രസ്സിന്നായിരുന്നു. ഇപ്പോള്‍ AAP യെ പിന്തുണച്ചിട്ടുള്ള വോട്ടുകളുടെ സിംഹഭാഗവും ആ വിഭാഗങ്ങളില്‍  നിന്നാണ് എത്തിയിരിക്കുന്നത് എന്നാണ് വിശകലനങ്ങള്‍ സൂചിപ്പിക്കുന്നത് . ചില നിരീക്ഷകര്‍ ഇതിനെ 'വര്ഗ്ഗ സമരത്തിന്റെ' സൂചനയായിപ്പോലും വിലയിരുത്തുന്നുണ്ട് .എന്നാല്‍, മറന്നുകൂടാത്ത ഒരു പ്രധാനപ്പെട്ട കാര്യം, AAP സ്വയം അതിന്റെ രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തെ വിശേഷിപ്പിക്കുന്നത് വര്ഗ്ഗ രാഷ്ട്രീയം എന്നതിലേറെ "വര്ഗ്ഗ സമരമില്ലാത്ത വര്ഗ്ഗ രാഷ്ട്രീയം" ആയിട്ടാണ് എന്നതാണ് . കേജ്രിവാള്‍ തന്റെ രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തിന് ആധാരമാക്കുന്ന സാമ്പത്തിക വീക്ഷണം നിയോ ലിബറലിസം മുന്നോട്ടുവെക്കുന്ന സ്വതന്ത്ര കമ്പോളത്തിന്റെ തള്ളിക്കയറ്റത്തെ പൂര്ണ്ണമായും അംഗീകരിക്കുന്ന ഒന്നാണ് . അഴിമതി യ്ക്കെതിരെ സമരം നയിക്കുമ്പോള്‍ത്തന്നെ കേജ്രിവാളും അതിന്റെ  മൂലഹേതുവായ സാമ്പത്തിക നയങ്ങളെ  വിമര്‍ശനമെന്യേ അനുകൂലിക്കുന്നുണ്ട് എന്നത് കാണാതിരിക്കാന്‍ ആവില്ല .
 ഒരു രാഷ്ട്രീയശക്തിയെന്ന നിലയില്‍ AAP രൂപം കൊണ്ട പശ്ചാത്തലം എന്തുതന്നെയായിരുന്നാലും ,മോഡി ഭരണത്തിന്റെ സംരക്ഷണത്തോടെ കോര്പ റേറ്റ് ശക്തികളും സാമുദായിക വര്ഗീയ ശക്തികളും ജനങ്ങളുടെ മേലെ നടത്തുന്ന തേര്‍ വാഴ്ചയ്ക്കെതിരെ രാജ്യത്തിന്റെ വിവിധ ഭാഗങ്ങളില്‍ പോരാടുന്ന ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌  വമ്പിച്ച ഒരു ഉത്തേജനമായിരിക്കും  ഡെല്‍ഹി ജനവിധി എന്ന് നിസ്സംശയം പറയാം . 2014ഇല്‍ നടന്ന തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുകളില്‍ ഒട്ടുമിക്കവയും ബി ജെ പി യുടെ വഴിയേ പോയി എങ്കില്‍, 2015 ആരംഭിക്കുന്നത് വ്യത്യസ്തമായ പുതിയ ഒരു സന്ദേശത്തോടേയാണ് . ഈ സന്ദേശത്തെ തുടര്‍ന്ന് മുന്നോട്ട് നയിക്കാൻ  ഇന്‍ഡ്യയിലാകമാനം ജനകീയ പ്രതിരോധത്തിന്റെയും പരിവര്ത്തനത്തിന്റേയും  കാഹളം മുഴക്കുന്ന പുരോഗമന ശക്തികള്ക്ക് കഴിയേണ്ടതുണ്ട്

ML Update | No. 07 | FEB 2015


ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol.  18 | No. 07 | 10 - 16 FEB 2015


Delhi Gives Modi His First Big Jolt
Just nine months after the BJP's sweeping Lok Sabha victory under Modi's stewardship, Delhi has handed out the BJP a crushing defeat in the elections to the Delhi Assembly. In May 2014, the BJP had bagged all the 7 LS seats in Delhi with a lead in 60 of the 70 Assembly segments. In February 2015, the outcome stands spectacularly reversed with the BJP reduced to just three seats and the AAP securing way above half of the polled vote and an astounding seat tally exceeding even the 95% mark.

The Delhi verdict stands out for its unprecedented intensity and sharp clarity. To be sure, the verdict must be seen primarily in the specific context of Delhi where the AAP had struck a popular chord with its brief stint of 49 days before Arvind Kejriwal had dramatically resigned. This time round, Delhi has voted overwhelmingly to give AAP the strongest possible mandate and the fullest opportunity to translate its promises into reality. The urban poor and every deprived neighbourhood of Delhi voted overwhelmingly for the AAP as did large sections of Delhi's middle class voters.

The BJP must have sensed it coming and so it pressed all it had into service. Modi led the campaign from the front with all the might of his government; Amit Shah applied all his vote-gathering acumen while the RSS brought its fabled organizational network into play. But this was one election in which almost every move of the BJP backfired and contributed to this spectacular electoral rout of the party. And having made it into a huge prestige battle for the Modi government and personally for the Modi cult, there is no way the BJP can now trivialize the defeat and attribute it to some local factors.

Two unmistakable messages emanating from the Delhi elections will keep resonating beyond the borders of Delhi in the coming days. The assertion of the urban poor and working people and young people of Delhi is a reassuring phenomenon in the ongoing battle against corporate plunder and mass deprivation and denial of rights. Instead of talking about migration of voters from this or that party to AAP, one must recognize and respect this decisive assertion of the people. The second feature that stands out is a distinct rebuff against the communal agenda unleashed by the BJP and the growing authoritarian overtones of the Modi regime.

There is also a deeper message about the AAP model of politics. The BJP had sought to discredit and target the AAP as a party which advocated and practiced anarchy. The emphatic victory of the AAP clearly shows that the people of Delhi did not think so. The people were clearly upset and angry with the ill-advised resignation of Arvind Kejriwal, but the AAP attempt at charting a new course combining governance and agitation and shedding trappings of 'VIP culture of the political establishment' has the backing of the people as long as the AAP stays true to its basic promises.

The political evolution of the AAP will continue to evoke interest and attention beyond Delhi. Buoyed by its tremendous initial success in its debut elections to the Delhi Assembly in December 2013, the AAP had tried to spread its net far and wide in the 2014 LS elections with Kejriwal himself taking on Modi in Varanasi. Kejriwal came back apologizing for his resignation and the AAP adopted almost an exclusively Delhi-centric approach, concentrating all its resources and energy in Delhi. It now remains to be seen how the AAP combines its role as the ruling party in Delhi and its attempt at expanding its political presence and role on the national plane.

The post-poll analysis of the Delhi vote makes it abundantly clear that the biggest proportion of AAP votes came from Delhi's urban poor and deprived areas and from dalits and Muslims who traditionally voted for the Congress. Some observers and activists naturally feel tempted to see the rise of the AAP as a sign of 'class war', but it must be remembered that AAP describes its own politics as 'class politics without class struggle' and the economic vision outlined by Kejriwal fully endorses the free market thrust of neo-liberalism while disapproving of the corruption it invariably engenders.

Regardless of how the AAP evolves as a political formation, the Delhi verdict will definitely inspire the people across the country in their ongoing battle against the corporate-communal offensive spearheaded by the Narendra Modi regime. If all the 2014 elections had gone the BJP way, 2015 has begun on a different note. It is now time for the voices of resistance and change to resonate louder and clearer across the length and breadth of India.


All India Conference of Contract Workers in Bangalore

All India Conference of Contract Workers, organized by AICCTU, was held in Bangalore on 1-2 February 2015. More than 5000 contract workers from across the country participated in the conference. On the first day of the conference, workers marched from Freedom Park to Banappa Park in a massive rally organized in support of their demands. The rally saw huge participation of thousands of contract workers that included contract sanitation workers of Bangalore Municipal Corporation (BBMP), contract workers of Bangalore Water Supply and Sewerage Board (BWSSB), workers from the NIMHANS Hospital, workers employed in public sector undertakings such as HAL, BHEL and BEML, workers from the Bangalore Race Course and MICO-BOSCH, workers in the Ready Mix industries such as RMC, Prism Cements, RDC Concrete, Lafarge and Kennametal WIDIA. Contract workers from Koppal, Davanagere, Mysore and Kolar also joined the rally. Delegates from across the country came to attend the Conference, and took part in the rally.

The rally was followed by a public meeting which was presided over by All India Vice President of AICCTU Com. Shankar. AICCTU general secretary Com. Swapan Mukherjee delivered the inaugural speech. The meeting was addressed by Karnataka State President of the AICCTU Comrade Balan, Bihar State President of AICCTU Comrade Rambhali, Karnataka State Secretary of the CPI(ML) Comrade Bharadwaj, AICCTU State Organising Secretary Clifton D' Rozario, Deepa Pathak from Uttarakhand among others. At the meeting, speakers condemned the increased contractualisation of labour in both the private sector, the public sector and in the government itself. They came down heavily on the Modi government for its pro-corporate and anti-labour policies and its proposed amendments in labour laws. The Modi government's move to amend the Contract Labour (Abolition and Regulation) Act in a way that will exclude most establishments from the ambit of the laws came under sharp criticism from the delegates. The delegates also spoke of how the Congress and the BJP are no different on this issue and how the Karnataka state Government, in spite of claiming itself to be an opposition party led government, was pursuing anti-labour policies.

An open session on 'Contract Labour , Law and Politics' was held in the evening of 1 Feb, where the Keynote Address was delivered by Com. Rajiv Dimri, All India Secretary of AICCTU. The session was also addressed by leaders of other Left trade unions including CITU, AIUTUC and TUCC. All the speakers called for a broader Left coalition to take on the challenge of increasing contractualisation of the workforce.

All India Contract and Other Workers Federation was launched during the course of the conference to guide and lead the struggles of contract workers across the country.

Com. Balan, from Karnataka was elected as the All India President while Com. Rambhali from Bihar was elected as the All India General Secretary. A resolve was undertaken to march to the Parliament to press for the demands of contract workers. The conference ended with a call for a strong, militant and powerful struggles of contract workers to resist the joint onslaught of the government, industry and the judiciary on the workers of India.


CPI(ML) in the Delhi Elections

In the recently held assembly elections in Delhi, CPI(ML) fielded Com. Surendra Panchal, a veteran activist of the communist workers' movement, from the Narela assembly seat; Com. Ajay Kumar Singh, a trade union activist, who had recently lost his job while fighting for the workers in SMA industrial area, from the Wazirpur assembly segment; and Com. Mala Devi, active among women working as domestic help, from Kondli assembly segment. In all these three assembly segments, CPI(ML) had been running an intense campaign amongst the working class and employees. The campaign included several processions, rallies and street corner meetings. Sangwari,  a cultural group, held several street plays in support of party candidates in all the three assembly areas. These plays highlighted and critiqued the anti-people policies of the Modi government, while strongly raising the demand for an urgent change in the government as well as policies in order to guarantee rights to the common people and especially the working class in Delhi.

7 left parties – CPI(ML), CPI, CPI(M), Forward Block, RSP, SUCI(C) and Socialist Party(India) – brought out a united appeal urging the people to vote and support the candidates of these parties on the 14 seats contested by them. In order to prevent BJP or Congress from coming to power, the CPI(ML) also issued an appeal requesting people to support AAP candidates in remaining seats, while remaining critical of AAP on several issues.


CPI(ML)'s Statement on 
Detainment of South Gujarat Tribal Activist Jayram Gambit under PASA

CPI (ML) strongly condemns the detainment of South Gujarat tribal activist Jayram Gambit under the Prevention of Anti-Social Activities Act (PASA) following the campaign led by him and his associates against the attempts to hand over tribal lands to non tribals largely for mining purposes. In past several years, Gujarat has witnessed severe assaults on the rights and livelihoods of the tribals and increasing instances of land grab by the state for the profit of corporate houses. Additionally, the use of draconian laws like PASA on activists fighting for the oppressed and marginalized, have become a mainstay of the BJP governments in state and the centre. CPI (ML) demands immediate release of Jayram Gambit and an investigation into his unconstitutional detainment. CPI (ML) also extends its support to all the progressive sections fighting against the anti-people policies of the BJP led governments in state and at the centre.


Seminars in UP Against BJP-corporate Control over Media and 
in Defense of Freedom of Expression

In the wake of several assaults on freedom of expression and dissent, and the ouster of journalist Pankaj Srivastava for complaining against biased media coverage, AISA organised seminars in Lucknow University and Allahabad University on freedom of expression and the current state of the electronic media respectively. On 2 February, a seminar was organised in the Students' Union building of Lucknow University on 'Freedom of Expression and the Present Day Context', in which Dr. Pankaj Srivastava, senior journalist and former associate editor with IBN-7, was invited as the main speaker. Addressing the seminar, Pankaj Srivastava pointed out that a handful of corporates are controlling the entire media and all the natural resources and hence they are fearful of peoples' movements and any expression of dissent. In such times, only that amount of 'freedom of expression' is allowed space which does not harm the interests of these corporates and the governments nurtured by them, and therefore the voices of all who try to highlight peoples' resistances are being silenced. He said that the cameras of the media persons remain focused only a select few, and reports on farmers' suicides, displacement of tribals and genocides of dalits never become the breaking news. AISA state president, Sudhanshu Bajpai said that even as some in India raised slogans of 'freedom of expression' post the Paris attacks, when it comes allowing similar tolerance for freedom of expression in India, it is allowed only if it does not pose a threat to the agenda of the ruling establishment and the affluent sections. UP state AIPWA president Tahira Hasan added that the corporate houses were not merely looting our natural resources, but also our freedom of expression, our human rights and our democracy. She emphasized the need to strengthen the people's movements against such onslaughts and said that campus premises could be strongholds of such movements.

The other seminar on the 'current state of electronic media' was organised in the students' union building of the Allahabad University, in which once again Pankaj Srivastava was one of the main speakers. Pankaj Srivastava shared his experience of protesting to the IBN-7 management against the channel's biased coverage on the eve of Delhi assembly elections, for which he has was sacked. He said that not only the was the channel propagating the BJPs communal agenda, it had categorically refused to carry news on farmers' suicide and on the acquittal of all the accused of the Dalit massacre in Shankar Bigha (Bihar) by the Jehanabad district court. Addressing the seminar, Prof. Lalbahadur Verma stressed on the need to find alternatives to the practices of monopolization in media. Sunil Yadav, former editor of Samkaleen Janmat cautioned that the Central government was using the media as a medium for its own campaigns as was evident during the recent Obama visit, where the entire media kept highlighting the irrelevant and non-serious aspects of the Obama visit while maintaining a silence on the dangerous Indo-nuclear deal. Journalist Ranvijay Satyaketu pointed towards the use of media by the government in creating a false illusion of development, while no actual development was actually happening. The seminar was moderated by Comrade Ramayan Ram.


Road Block in Gopalganj to free a primary school land

For a long time, the construction work of Pakhopali primary school in Bhore block of Gopalganj district had been stalled by some local goons and anti-social elements working in collusion with the local administration. The students were forced to sit in the open and study. The CPI (ML) took the initiative to organise demonstrations in front of the block office, and issued an ultimatum that the construction work be started within 15 days. However, bribed by the goons with huge amounts, the officials once again refused to take any action. In light of the continued inaction by the authorities, on 13 January 2015, the road from Bhore to Mirganj was blocked. Initially, the officials refused to either remove the road block or meet the protestors, but by the evening when vehicles had lined up for 2 kilometres on either side of the jam, the authorities were forced to declare that the construction would begin from the following the day. After obtaining the report from JEE, the construction work has since been started.


Protest Demonstrations by Workers in Bhilai

The AICCTU-affiliated Union Centre of Steel Workers organised a protest demonstration on 23 Janaury 2015, outside the service department of the Bhilai Steel Plant (BSP) to highlight the residential problems such as seepage, sewerage, sanitation and maintenance. The protest demonstration was addressed by local AICCTU and CPI (ML) leaders, following which a delegation went to meet the general manager of the of the City Service Department of the Bhilai Steel Plant to hand over the list of demands. However, the General Manager refused to meet the protestors. The protestors continued to raise slogans against the head of the department and submitted their list of demands to the Deputy General Manager.

While addressing the protestors, the speakers pointed out how the BSP management had failed to provide proper accommodation facilities to its workers. Of the 35,000 quarters in the township, nearly 25,000 have been allotted to BSP staff and other people. Of these quarters, while a few have been demolished after being termed damaged; the remaining have been either illegally occupied or with the collusion of the officials are in the possession of the close associates of the officials. This has caused BSP a loss of several lakhs, despite which BSP management has failed to act and the workers continue to be forced to live in unhygienic dwellings. The protestors demanded that if crores could be spent on modernization and expansion of management services, why a similar amount could not be spent on proper accommodation for the workers. Issues of contractual workers such as non-payment of minimum wages, non-issuance of salary slips and provisions of ESI were also raised.


Citizens Protest against Vandalism of Churches in Delhi

Following a spate of incidents of vandalism in Churches in Delhi, a citizen's protest was called to demand action against those responsible for the acts of vandalism. Kavita Krishnan, PB member of CPI(ML) along with several AISA leaders and office bearers of AISA led JNUSU also joined the protest. The protestors were to march peacefully to the office of the Home Minister Rajnath Singh. However, the Delhi police which so far had failed to prevent these repeated acts of vandalism and even act against those responsible was suddenly seen to be actively assaulting the protestors. The police began to beat up peaceful protestors and tried to prevent them from marching to the Home Ministers' office. The sudden action of the police against the protestors which chosen to remain mute spectator to acts of vandalism is highly condemnable and this reflects a clearly partisan attitude. CPI(ML) strongly condemns the high handedness of Delhi Police and its brutal victimization of the protestors. The growing instances of targeting of the minorities in Delhi and the unabated issuing of statements aimed at communal hate mongering by BJP leaders and Hindutva groups supported by the BJP must be strongly opposed and resisted. CPI(ML) demands a probe into the police brutalities on the protestors and the growing attacks on Delhi Churches.


Resist the appropriation of Gandhi by his killers

Mahatama Gandhi's assassination on 30 Jan 1948 merits to be the first terrorist act and political murder of independent India. Ironically, while the image of Gandhi is being used as mascot of the government's Clean India camapign (a crafty ploy that is intended to capitalise on the public stature of Gandhi), these efforts are accompanied by resurgent moves to legitimise Gandhiji's assassin by building Godse temples with calibrated indulgence by those in power. During last many decades most Hindu nationalists have kept the appreciation of their hero, Nathuram Godse under wraps. With the new dispensation coming to power (Modi Sarkar, May, 2014), it seems these acts are being silently appreciated by those in power. This inference is logical as none in the positions of power have either reprimanded or opposed these Godse acolytes. The latest in the series of acts-statements by this Godse appreciation club is the bhumi pujan by Hindu Mahasabha for Godse temple in Meerut (Dec 25 2014). There are several demands from the Hindu Mahasabha offices to install his statues and they have requested land from the Centre to erect a statue of Godse in the national capital. In light of these developments, on 30th January 2015, a public meeting and a film screening was organised by AISA led JNUSU to bring out the many underplayed suppressed aspects and facts about the assassaination of Gandhi. The programme was attended by Rajesh Ramachandran, noted Journalist and Researcher, R. Prasad, noted cartoonist and activists of several other left student groups.


Comrade Rajarshi Dasgupta

The Other Name Of Commitment

After a long battle with cancer, Comrade Rajarshi Dasgupta—popularly known as Pushanda to his comrades—breathed his last at a private hospital in north Calcutta on 7th February, 2015, at 8.05am.  With his condition deteriorating he was hospitalized on 24th January.

Born on 16th August, 1950 to Sephali Dasgupta and Sashanka Bhushan Dasgupta, a freedom fighter, he was a tireless fighter. His entire life was dedicated to the advancement of the cause of the revolutionary struggle, for the transformation of the society. He passed the higher secondary examination from the Hindu School at Calcutta and was admitted in the St. Xaviers College for graduation. But his association with revolutionary politics drew the ire of the college authorities and he was rusticated. Later he got admission in the Ashutosh College, Calcutta from where he obtained his graduate degree. His service life began with the land revenue department under the West Bengal government. He subsequently joined the central government as an income tax officer and retired in 2010 as a joint commissioner. During his service he developed intimate bonds with colleagues and employees of all strata, and became a companion and leader of their struggles. He was co-convenor of  the Council of Action of Income Tax. At the all-India level he served as the secretary of the Income Tax Gazetted Officers' Federaton. Alongside his service life, Com. Rajarshi Dasgupta was integrally associated with revolutionary politics and a committed worker of CPI(ML) Liberation. He contributed regularly to the state organ of the party Ajker Deshabrati and also occasionally to the central organ Liberation under the pen-name Sukanta Mondal. His socio-economic analysis won him great compliments. His writings inspired as well as enriched the party workers.

A dedicated organizer of the working class movement, he served on the state committee of the West Bengal unit of the party, and was also a member of the working class department and the Calcutta District Committee. His commitment to the party was so complete that even while battling the cancer, he took it upon himself the task of joining the ninth party congress held at Ranchi in April, 2013. And even in his failing health, a few days before he took leave of us, he, taking great pains, duly made his final contribution, a write-up on the privatization of the state sector, to the special issue of the state organ to be published shortly. In his multifarious activities he was an active member of an organization devoted to the treatment and help of the people suffering from cancer, the terminal disease that took his life. And according to his will, his body was donated to the Calcutta Medical College for the benefit of medical research.

Com. Rajarshi Dasgupta was steadfast in his communist ideals and never compromised with his beliefs. His honesty, humanitarian concerns, duties to his family and other near ones and the party were exemplary. Always amiable and warm-hearted, no one could ever think of harbouring any bitterness against him. His is a great loss to us. The Central Committee and the West Bengal State Committee express deep condolence to the family and friends of the departed comrade.

Red salute to Comrade Rajarshi Dasgupta!

Thursday, 5 February 2015

ML Update | No. 06 | 2015


ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol.  18 | No. 06 | 3-9 FEB 2015

Covert Attack on the Constitution

On the occasion of Republic Day, the Information and Broadcasting Ministry of the Modi Government issued an advertisement, with an image of the Preamble of the Constitution minus two key words – 'secular' and 'socialist'. The Preamble of the Constitution declares that "WE, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens: JUSTICE, social, economic and political; LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; EQUALITY of status and of opportunity; And to promote among them all FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation; IN OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this twenty-sixth day of November, 1949, do HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION."

Scrambling to defend itself on the intent behind the omission of 'secular' and 'socialist' from a 2015 Republic Day advertisement, the Modi Government – as well as the BJP and its allies - found themselves speaking in many contradictory tongues.

First, the I&B Ministry explained that they had merely used a watermark of the original 1950 Preamble, which at the time only had the words 'Sovereign Democratic Republic'. What is wrong in commemorating the original Preamble, they asked innocently? Had the mater remained there, perhaps the apprehensions of India's concerned citizens would have subsided.

But soon enough, Shiv Sena, an ally of the BJP, hailed the 'accident' by which the two words were excluded, and called for the accident to be turned into a 'reality'. And soon after, the Telecom Minister of the Modi Government, senior BJP leader Ravishankar Prasad, called for a 'national debate' on the need for those two words in the Preamble! In support of these calls for outright deletion on the one hand and 'debate' on the other, it was argued that the words 'secular' and 'socialist' had been introduced by Indira Gandhi during the Emergency. These words carried the Emergency taint, it was argued in saffron quarters, and therefore should be deleted.

The Shiv Sena and Ravishankar Prasad revealed the real 'Mann ki Baat' behind the omission of the words 'secular' and 'socialist' from the Preamble as displayed in the Modi Government advertisement. That 'Mann ki Baat' is nothing but the agenda of eroding secularism to head in the direction of a 'Hindu Rashtra' in which minorities will not enjoy equality and freedom. It is extremely significant that throughout, the Prime Minister Narendra Modi maintained a calculated silence on the subject, allowing his Government and party to speak in many voices.    

Many offensive amendments made by Indira Gandhi to the Constitution were deleted by subsequent amendments by the Janata Government as well as by Supreme Court intervention. But no Government in the four decades since the Emergency has ever yet felt the need to 'debate' the inclusion of the words 'secular' and socialist', and there is good reason for this.  

The main reason is that those words simply underlined or amplified the assurance present in the rest of Preamble, as well as in many Articles of the Constitution. The word 'Secular' only reflects the spirit of the Preamble's guarantee of 'liberty of faith and worship', of equality, and of fraternity based on the 'dignity of the individual'. And this spirit is fully reflected in several Articles of the Constitution.

What about 'socialist'? It may be argued that with the passing of the 'public sector' regime and the establishment of liberalization as a policy framework, is has become anachronistic to call India 'socialist.' Others can argue, rightly, apart from the outward trappings of five-year plans and public sector, the Indian State was not socialist in any sense of the term. India was never even a welfare state, let alone socialist in the revolutionary sense. The failure to carry out land reforms and democratise agrarian relations, and the growing subordination of the public sector to the interests of crony capitalism are the two biggest negations of any kind of socialism.

But what these arguments forget is that the term 'socialist' is important in as much as it reflects the spirit of 'social, economic and political justice' promised in both the Preamble and the directive principles of state policy. At a time when Governments are trying to step back from their duty of ensuring basic entitlements of food, shelter, water and so on to the people, the Constitutional commitment to that duty is important. At the present juncture, any move to drop the word 'socialist' is nothing but a ploy to claim Constitutional 'approval' for the rampant flouting of the principles of social and economic justice by Governments.  

In a recent interview, BJP President Amit Shah has reiterated that his party sees no need to remove the words 'socialist' and 'secular' from the Preamble. But it is significant that in the same interview, Shah refused point blank to comment in any way on RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat's declaration that India is a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu Nation). If the BJP is indeed committed to the secular spirit of India's Constitution, why is it unwilling to outright condemn the RSS' 'Hindu Nation' claim that is the worst possible attack on that spirit? In the same interview, Amit Shah defended what his party calls 'ghar wapsi' and called for a 'law against conversions' – both of which fly in the face of the Constitutional guarantee of the freedom to practice and propagate one's faith.

Ravishankar Prasad and others may ask, rhetorically, if Ambedkar was less secular because he saw no need to include the word 'secular' in the Preamble. But can there be any doubt whatsoever that Ambedkar was deeply opposed to the notion of India being a theocratic 'Hindu Rashtra'? Ambedkar himself organized mass conversions to Buddhism and declared, 'I may be born a Hindu but I will not die a Hindu'. Can there be any doubt that Ambedkar would find a 'law against conversions' opposed to the basic spirit of India's Constitution as he drafted it?  

A 'Hindu Rashtra' is not just deeply dangerous for India's religious minorities. It also spells an end to the Constitutional promise of equality and freedom for India's Dalits, adivasis, oppressed castes and women. At the time when India adopted the Constitution, the RSS had opposed it and had called for the Manusmriti to be the Constitution of India as a 'Hindu Rashtra'. The RSS organ Organiser, on November 30 1949, had complained that the Constitution had no mention of the Manusmriti – the same Manusmriti that is full of horrific decrees against the basic dignity and freedom of Dalits and women, the same Manusmriti that Ambedkar had publicly burnt.

It is precisely as a rebuff of and safeguard against these forces that seek to turn India into a Hindu nation that India's Constitution and Preamble must continue to declare India's secular character without any room for ambiguity.


Landless Poor Demonstrate in Bihar

Nearly one lakh landless poor demonstrated at over 200 regional centres in Bihar on the issue of dwellings and land for farming, following the call given by All India Agricultural Labour Association (AIALA) and Shehri Gareeb Morcha (Urban Poor Front). Angrily raising slogans of 'Give us land not announcements', the protestors demanded that they be given homestead land, papers for land occupancy, and occupation of the land for which they have been issued papers. In the course of the demonstration, nearly 1 lakh applications were given across the state in which the question of allotting nearly tens of thousands of acres of land for which papers have been issued. Once again the Manjhi government is offering false assurance of homes and farming lands to the poor. While several announcements pertaining to land distribution are being made on papers, in actual the situation is the exact opposite where on an increasing rate the poor are being displaced even from whatever little land they do have for living and agriculture. In the survey report brought by CPI (ML) it had been revealed that nearly sixty percent of people in Bihar were landless. Had the JD (U) government implemented the land reform recommendations then nearly 21 lakh acres of land marked by the committee could have been recovered by the state government and distributed to the landless for accommodation and doing agriculture. Protesting against the false promises of the state government, thousands of people even demonstrated in the cities on the question of land reforms.

The various AIALA leaders leading the demonstrations declared that they will continue to expose the false assurances of the government and intensify the movement to force the government to implement its announcements.


Protest against Exploitation of Women

In the past few days several instances of exploitation of women have been reported in Bihar. In one incident, a minor girl hailing from West Bengal was gang raped on 5 February in Muzaffarpur district collectorate. In yet another case of brutal exploitation, a woman named Geeta Rani, residing in a posh locality of the capital city tortured her 11 year old domestic help, inserting hot rods inside her private parts and had her sons send the dead body to the girl's home. All the accused in this case are absconding.

Amidst all these instances, PMCH nurses continue to protest in order to be regularized. They had started an indefinite hunger strike on 3 January 2015 that had lasted two weeks and during which the health of several nurses had deteriorated.

In light of these increasing occurrences of violence against women and their continued exploitation, protests marches were taken out under the leadership of AIPWA leaders and activists in Patna, Bhojpur and Muzaffarpur on 8 January and organized. The protestors demanded that the district administration of Muzaffarpur take responsibility for the gang rape of a minor and that Geeta Rani, who had brutally tortured a minor help, be arrested along with the other co-accused. In the rallies conducted following the protest marches, it was also demanded that the state administration guarantee safety of women and fulfill the demands of the protesting nurses. In Fatuha, besides the aforementioned demands, the AIPWA led protestors also demanded that the concerns of women working for the midday meal programme be immediately addressed. The protest march in Fatuha was led by State AIPWA President Saroj Chaubey.


Mahapanchayat by All India Kisan Mahasabha in Uttarakhand

On 28 January 2015, thousands of people took part in the mahapanchayat called by the Akhil Bhartiya Kisan Mahasabha in Bindukhatta in Nainital district, demanding the status of a revenue village for Bindukhatta and protesting against the state's decision to make Bindukhatta a municipality. The residents of Bindukhatta have been demanding the status of village since 1970's under the leadership of CPI (ML) and its mass organizations. Though, for a considerable period, no other political party was willing to support this demand, of late the demand for a village hood has become a part of the manifestos of most parties in the state. However, despite this, ignoring the long standing demand of the residents of this forest land, Bindukhatta was made into a municipality and the anger of the people could be clearly seen in the streets of Laalkuan. It is important to note that though members of bureaucracy had cautioned the state government against making Bindukhatta a municipality and pointed out several legal hurdles, the Chief Minister of Uttarakhand, Harish Rawat chose to ignore people's genuine demand along with the suggestions of his own bureaucratic advisors. CPI (ML) believes that the decision to make Bindukhatta a municipality is solely guided by the motive to enable some Congressmen become councilors, chairmen and also find employment for several Congress contractors. This is a conspiracy to deny to the common people of Bindukhatta ownership rights to their land.

Flustered by the participation of thousands in the protests organized by the Akhil Bhartiya Kisan Mahasabha, the Congress workers burnt the effigy of those who participated in the demonstrations. The burning of effigy of protesting masses only exposes the political bankruptcy of the Congress.


Movement in Ramgarh against Gang Rape and Murder of Tribal Women

On 15 December 2014, two minor tribal women were gang raped in Vasundhara Vatika hotel, located in Rajrappa Road in Chitarpur (district Ramgarh, Jharkhand). One of the victims had to be referred to Ranchi following excessive bleeding, however, her life could not be saved. On 27 December 2014, a team led by CPI (ML)'s  Bigendra Thakur, Jaglal Soren, Mahadev Manjhi, Heeralal Mahto and RYA's Amal Kumar Ghoshal and Krishna Munda, went to Tikahara Tola in Bokaro to meet the families of the parents. The information gathered by them revealed that one of the girls, aged 16, was working as a sweeper in hotel named Vasundhara Vatika owned by Dilip Saav for a wage of Rs. 3000. Within a few days of joining work, Dilip began to sexually assault her and also forced her into sex work with other guests in the hotel. On 15 December, when the victim and another 14 year old girl from the same village who had joined work were sleeping in the same room, Dilip along with two other men came to their room and gang raped them. After FIRs were filed by surviving victim and the father of the girl who died, Dilip was arrested, however, the issue of a sexual exploitation racket was thrown into cold storage. The report prepared by CPI (ML) and RYA team revealed that several girls from outside areas were brought and forced into sex work and also that the incharge of Rajrappa Police station, Lileshwar Mahto had been staying in one of the hotel rooms for nearly four months.

After returning, a press conference was called in Ramgarh office in which the district secretary Com. Bhuvneshwar Bediya, Com. Saryu Bediya and the members of the fact finding team exposed the rape incident and demanded that the culprits be arrested, the hotel premises be sealed, the rapists be charged for murder and Lileshwar Mahto be suspended. On 28 December 2014, thousands of women and youth took out a protest march under the leadership of AIPWA leaders Rupa Besra and Jhuma, RYA leader Amal Kumar Ghoshal and several other CPI (ML) leaders. On 29 December 2014 again thousands of people marched from Chitarpur bazaar to Rajrappa Mod, under the joint leadership of CPI (ML), AIPWA and RYA leaders demanding immediate action on the culprits and Lileshwar Mahto and compensation for the survivor and the family of the dead victim. The administration is still attempting to cover up the issue exposing BJP government's view on security of rural tribal women. The movement led by CPI (ML) has resulted in several people from rural and urban areas coming out on streets in protest. 


Demonstrations by Footpath Shopkeepers in Jehanabad

On 29 December 2014, all the footpath shopkeepers of Jehanabad carried out an angry demonstration outside the district council office under the banner of the 'Footpath Shopkeepers Association', led by CPIML activists. The demonstration followed a massive procession from Unta Sabzi Mandi to the district council office. The programme was led by district councilor Upadhyaya Yadav, AICCTU leader Dheeraj Gupta, ML city incharge Santosh Keshri and Footpath Shopkeepers Association leaders Arvind Kumar Chopra, Bablu Kumar and others. Through the programme, demands were raised pertaining to – permanent arrangement for footpath shopkeepers, provision of pukka shops, drinking water and toilets for shopkeepers, entry of footpath shopkeepers in BPL list and immediate vacation of shops by those not involved in business. While there has been a long standing movement on these demands, no concrete steps have yet been taken by the district authorities. A delegation of leaders handed over a four-point demand letter and pressurized the district administration to assure that immediate action will be taken, failing which the movement would be intensified.


CPI (ML) Ensures Return of Land to a Tribal Family in Maharashtra

About 100 km away from Mumbai, in a Dhabon village of Palghar district, some non tribal hooligans had snatched the land of a tribal family. On 16 January 2015, under the leadership of CPI (ML), the land was recovered from the goons and restored to the family. On the instructions of a goon, Chaubey, the family was told by some of the local tribal leaders working as brokers for Chaubey that the family had no ownership over the land and they must take accept Rs. 25,000 and vacate the land. Having no knowledge about ownership rights of the tribals, the family vacated the land. When the local CPI (ML) leadership came to know about the incident they obtained the property documents on which it was mentioned that land belonged to the family that had been forced to vacate. On 16 January 2015, the party cadre along with the family launched the occupy movement and captured the land by putting red flags on it.  At the start of the movement, Com. Mahendra Singh was remembered on his 10th martyrdom day. 


Protest against Suspension of AISA Leader from Lucknow University

AISA activists organised a protest rally in GPO, demanding the revocation of the expulsion of their leader Sudhanshu and re-establishment of the women's cell in Lucknow University. Earlier this month, in a shameful assault on campus democracy, the Lucknow University (LU) administration had expelled comrade Sudhanshu Bajpai, UP state president of AISA, from LU for the 'crime' of organizing a seminar on LU campus on the Love Jihad bogey and for burning the effigy of the UP Chief Minister at a subsequent protest held by AISA. The seminar against 'Love Jihad', which was to be addressed by AIPWA national secretary comrade Kavita Krishnan, was disrupted by ABVP.

Addressing the protest rally, AISA leader Puja Shukla said that the actions of LU administration show that there is no space or permission in the University for discussing the rights of women to exercise their choices. AISA Jt. Secretary, Sandeep Sen said that the expulsion was an outcome of AISA's attempts to expose the corruption in the university and raise questions about the mismanagement. Protest was held by AISA activists in Delhi in front of UP Bhawan.


Unveiling the Statue of Mohan Singh

On 31 December 2014, in Bahedi village of Bareily district, the statue of Comrade Mohan Singh was unveiled. Com. Mohan Singh was a leader of CPI (ML) and the Akhil Bhartiya Kisan Mahasabha.  He had died in an accident on 31 December 2013 while he was leading an indefinite hunger strike by the farmers fighting for the outstanding payment of 44 crore for sugarcanes.  On the initiative of the party and the local farmers, it was decided that his statue would be established in the Kisan Bhawan, Bahedi on his first death anniversary. The statue was unveiled by the CPI (ML)'s central committee member and the general secretary of Akhil Bhartiya Kisan Sabha, Com. Rajaram Singh.

On this occasion a pledge-taking rally was also organized for the farmers. Addressing the gathering, Com. Rajaram Singh said that when the communal forces were busy breaking the unity of farmers and killing many in Muzaffarnagar last year, and the farmer's unions instead of coming to their rescue had chosen to ally themselves with the saffron brigade, it was the Kisan Mahasabha under the leadership of Com. Mohan Singh that sent a strong message of united farmer's movement. He added that in current times when Modi Government has launched an unprecedented attack on the farmers, the legacy of Com. Mohan Singh will help in providing the direction. The rally was chaired by veteran Communist leader Com. Atri Kumar Rishi and was moderated by Com. Javed Akhtar.

More than 300 people including late Com. Mohan Singh's wife Rachna Singh, participated in the programme.