ഉന മാർച്ച്‌ ആഗസ്ത് 15 ,2 0 16 :
ദലിതരും ആദിവാസികളും ആവശ്യപ്പെടുന്നത് മർദ്ദനത്തിൽനിന്നും,ചൂഷണത്തിൽനിന്നും , കോർപ്പറേറ്റ് കൊള്ളയിൽനിന്നും സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യം
ഇന്ത്യയുടെ 70 - )൦ സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യദിനം ആയ 2016 ആഗസ്ത് 15 ശ്രദ്ധേയവും ആവേശ കരവുമായ ഒരു ജനമുന്നേറ്റത്തിന് സാക്ഷ്യം വഹിച്ചു. ഗുജറാത്തിൽ ഉന യിലെ ദലിത് ജനതയും ബസ്തർ മേഖലയിലെ ആദിവാസികളും അവർക്കു നിഷേധിക്കപ്പെട്ട സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യവും അന്തസ്സും നേടിയെടുക്കാനുള്ള ജനകീയ പ്രക്ഷോഭങ്ങൾ വരുംനാളുകളിൽ കൂടുതൽ ശക്തിമത്താക്കുമെന്ന് വിളംബരം ചെയ്യാനുള്ള ഒരവസരമായിട്ടാണ് ഈ ദിവസത്തെ അടയാളപ്പെടുത്തിയത്. ബ്രാഹ്മണിസത്തിന്നും, വർഗീയ ഫാസിസത്തിനും, ഭരണകൂട ഭീകരതയ്ക്കും എതിരെ അടുത്ത നാളുകളിൽ ഉയർന്നു വന്നിരിക്കുന്ന വമ്പിച്ച രാഷ്ട്രീയ വെല്ലുവിളിയാണ് ഗുജറാത്തിലും ഛത്തീസ്ഗഢിലും സംഘടിപ്പിക്കപ്പെട്ട രണ്ട് ബഹുജന മാർച്ചുകൾ പ്രതിനിധാനം ചെയ്യുന്നത്
ഉന സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യ യാത്രയും റാലിയും
“നിങ്ങളുടെ പശുവിന്റെ വാലിൽ നിങ്ങൾ തന്നെ പിടിച്ചു തൂങ്ങിക്കോളൂ - ഞങ്ങളുടെ ഭൂമി ഞങ്ങൾക്ക് തന്നാൽ മതി "
ഉന സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യ മാർച്ചിൽ മുഴങ്ങിക്കേട്ട ഈ മുദ്രാവാക്യം ഗുജറാത്തിലും ഇന്ത്യയിലാകെയും ഇന്ന് നടക്കുന്ന സാമൂഹ്യ വിപ്ലവത്തിന്റെ സത്ത ഉൾക്കൊള്ളുന്നതാണ്. ഗോ സംരക്ഷണത്തിന്റെ പേരിൽ രാജ്യത്തിന്റെ പല ഭാഗങ്ങളിലും മുസ്ലീങ്ങളും ദലിതുകളും സംഘി ഗുണ്ടകളുടെ കയ്യാൽ തല്ലിച്ചതയ്ക്കപ്പെടുന്നതും കൊല്ലപ്പെടുന്നതും, വിദ്വേഷ പ്രചാരണങ്ങളുടെ സ്വാധീനത്താൽ പ്രചോദിതരായ ആൾക്കൂട്ടങ്ങൾ അവരെ വളഞ്ഞു പിടികൂടി കൊല്ലുന്നതും ആവർത്തിക്കപ്പെടുമ്പോൾ ഗുജറാത്തിൽ ആയിരക്കണക്കിന് ദലിതുകൾ സംഘടിതരായി ഇതിനെതിരെ രംഗത്തുവന്നു.
"നിങ്ങളുടെ ചത്ത പശുക്കളെ നിങ്ങൾ തന്നെ എടുത്തോ ;അവയെ കൈകാര്യം ചെയ്യുന്ന പണിക്ക് ഇനി ഞങ്ങളെ കിട്ടില്ല" എന്ന് സംഘി ഗുണ്ടകളുടെ മുഖത്തടിച്ചപോലെ അവർ പ്രഖ്യാപിച്ചു. തങ്ങൾക്ക് കൃഷിചെയ്യാൻ ഭൂമിയും അന്തസ്സ് അപഹരിക്കാത്ത ഉപജീവനമാർഗ്ഗങ്ങളും പകരമായി നൽകാൻ ഗുജറാത്ത് സർക്കാരിനു ബാദ്ധ്യതയുണ്ട് എന്നവർ ഒരേ സ്വരത്തിൽ പ്രഖ്യാപിച്ചു. ഗോ സംരക്ഷണത്തിന്റെ പേരിൽ സാമൂഹ്യ ഹിംസയ്ക്കു പാത്രമാവുന്ന മുസ്ലീങ്ങളുമായി ഐക്യപ്പെട്ട് "ദലിത് -മുസ്ലിം ഭായീ -ഭായീ" എന്ന മുദ്രാവാക്യം റാലിയിൽ അവർ ഉയർത്തി എന്നതും ശ്രദ്ധേയമായ ഒരു കാര്യമാണ്.
'ദലിത് അസ്മിതാ യാത്ര' എന്ന് അറിയപ്പെട്ട യാത്ര സൗരാഷ്ട്രാ മേഖലയിലൂടെ കടന്ന് പോയി ഉന പട്ടണത്തിൽ എത്തുകയും ബൃഹത്തായ ബഹു ജനപങ്കാളിത്തത്തോടെ ഒരു 'സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യ റാലി' നടത്തുകയും ചെയ്തു. 'ദലിത് അസ്മിതാ യാത്ര'യിൽ പങ്കെടുത്തവർ ഭൂരിപക്ഷവും തെക്കൻ ഗുജറാത്തിൻലെ ഗ്രാമീണ മേഖലകളിൽ നിന്നെത്തിയ ദലിത് യുവജനങ്ങൾ ആയിരുന്നു ; ഗുജറാത്തിന്റെ മറ്റു ഭാഗങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നും രാജ്യത്തിന്റെ ഇതര ഭാഗങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നും എത്തിയ നൂറ് കണക്കിന്
സാമൂഹ്യ പ്രവർത്തകരും ആക്ടിവിസ്റ്റുകളും യാത്രയിലും റാലിയിലും പങ്കെടുത്തു. ജിഗ്നേഷ് മേവാനി , സുബോധ് പാർമർ എന്നിവരടങ്ങിയ 'ഉന ദലിത് അത്യാചാർ ലഡായീ സമിതി' യുടെ യുവ നേതാക്കൾ ആയിരുന്നു യാത്ര
.നയിച്ചത് . 2002 ലെ മുസ്ലിം വിരുദ്ധ കൂട്ടക്കൊല നടന്ന സമയത്ത് ഭാവ് നഗറിൽ മുസ്ലീങ്ങൾക്ക് സംരക്ഷണം നൽകാൻ പരിശ്രമിച്ചതിന്റെ പേരിൽ ഗുജറാത്ത് സർക്കാരിന്റെ ദ്രോഹ നടപടികൾക്ക് ഇരയായ രാഹുൽ ശർമ്മ എന്ന മുൻ പോലീസ് ഓഫീസർ , ജൻ സംഘർഷ് മഞ്ചിന്റെ പ്രവർത്തകരായ നിർജ്ജരി സിൻഹ , പ്രതീക സിൻഹ എന്നിവരും 'ദലിത് അസ്മിതാ യാത്ര' യ്ക്ക് സജീവ മായ പിന്തുണ നൽകി.
1996 ൽ രൺവീർ സേന ദളിത് കൂട്ടക്കൊല നടത്തിയ ബഥാനി ടോലഉൾപ്പെട്ട ബിഹാറിലെ തരാറി മണ്ഡലത്തെ പ്രതിനിധീകരിക്കുന്ന സി പി ഐ (എം എൽ) എം എൽ എ ആയ സുദാമാ പ്രസാദ് ഉൾപ്പെടെ സി പി ഐ (എം എൽ) ലും RYA യിലുംമറ്റു ബഹുജന സംഘടനകളിലും പ്രവർത്തിക്കുന്ന അനേകം നേതാക്കൾ ബിഹാറിൽ നിന്നും യു പി യിൽ നിന്നും മഹാരാഷ്ട്രയിൽ നിന്നും യാത്രയിൽ പങ്കെടുക്കാൻ എത്തിയിരുന്നു.
ആഗസ്ത് 15 ന് ഉനയിൽ ദേശീയ പതാക ഉയർത്തിയത് സവർണ്ണ ഫാസിസ്ററ് അധികാരവെറിയുടെ രക്തസാക്ഷിയായ രോഹിത് വേമുലയുടെ മാതാവ് രാധിക വേമുല ആയിരുന്നു. ഗുജറാത്തിലെ സാംസ്കാരിക രംഗത്തെ അറിയപ്പെടുന്ന ജനകീയപ്പോരാളികളും ഗായകരുമായ ചാരുലും വിനയ് യും ദേശീയഗാനാലാപനത്തിൽ നേതൃത്വം വഹിച്ചു . രാജ്യം മേൽജാതിക്കാരുടെയോ , മേധാവിത്വം പുലർത്താൻ ശ്രമിക്കുന്ന ഏതെങ്കിലും ഒരു മതക്കാരുടെയോ സ്വകാര്യ സ്വത്ത് അല്ല രാജ്യം എന്ന് നമ്മളോ രോരുത്തരും സ്വയം ഓർമ്മിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിനുള്ള ഒരു മാർഗ്ഗമായിട്ടാണ് ദേശീയ പതാക ഉയർത്തുന്നതിനെ ഈയവസരത്തിൽ താൻ കാണുന്നതെന്ന് രാധിക വേമുല സദസ്സിനെ അഭിസംബോധന ചെയ്തുകൊണ്ട് പറഞ്ഞു. ഉന യിലെ മുന്നേറ്റത്തിന് തന്നെ പ്രത്യക്ഷമായ ഒരു നിമിത്തമാകും വിധത്തിൽ "ഗൗ രക്ഷക്" ഗുണ്ടകളുടെ മൃഗീയമായ ആക്രമണത്തിന് വിധേയനായ മോട്ടാ സാമദിയ എന്ന ഗ്രാമത്തിലെ ബാബുഭായി സർവൈയ്യയും അദ്ദേഹത്തിന്റെ കുടുംബാംഗങ്ങളും വേദിയിൽ ആദരിക്കപ്പെട്ടു. "ലോകത്തിലെമ്പാടും ഉള്ള ദലിതുകൾ ഒന്നിക്കൂ "എന്ന മുദ്രാവാക്യം വേദിയിൽ മുഴങ്ങി.
സി പി ഐ (എം എൽ) പോളിറ്റ് ബ്യൂറോ അംഗമായ കവിതാ കൃഷ്ണനും, AIPF കാമ്പെയിൻ കമ്മിറ്റിയംഗങ്ങളായ ഡോക്ടർ ലക്ഷ്മീനാരായണ, ഡോ: രതി റാവു , PUCL പ്രവർത്തകയായ ദീപിക, ദലിത് സംഘർഷ് സമിതി (കർണ്ണാടക )യിലെ വെങ്കിടേഷ് , അംബേദ്‌കർ ബുദ്ധിസ്റ്റ് സൊസൈറ്റി (ആന്ധ്രാ പ്രദേശ് ) യിലെ ശിവ പ്രകാശ് ,AISA ദേശീയ പ്രസിഡൻ്റ് സുചേതാ ഡേ എന്നിവരും അടങ്ങുന്നതായിരുന്നു ഉന മാർച്ചിൽ ആഗസ്ത് 15 നു പങ്കെടുത്ത AIPF (ആൾ ഇൻഡ്യാ പീപ്പിൾസ് ഫോറം) പ്രതിനിധികളുടെ സംഘം .
Notes From the Dalit Asmita Yatra
Freelance journalist and
photographer Javed Iqbal walked with the yatra. Some of his observations,
accompanying his photographic documentation, are excerpted here from his
Facebook wall:
The Asmita rally was mostly
covered on foot, going village to village. There were no loudspeakers and
sloganeering was done in groups, with loud calls of Jai Bhim, Azaadi and Halla
Bol.
The children of Hemal, marched
most of the way towards the village Timbi before the core protestors began to
carry them. They shouted slogans throughout….
Dozens of people would be injured
before and after the independence day rally when dominant caste villagers from
Samter, attacked people attending the rally. The next day they would attack
people leaving Una.
Babubhai from Thangadh was the
quick to comment on how the police were so easy to open fire on them four years
ago when three Dalit boys from their village were killed, and were much more
circumspect when the Dalits were attacked on the way to the Una rally.
Himatbhai Rathod from Thangadh, claimed that his attackers had even
videographed him.
Profiling some of the other
participants in the March and Rally, Javed Iqbal wrote:
Chandrika Solanki from Baroda is
a teacher and an Ambedkarite activist who has been trying to get the government
to further recognize Sayajibaug Garden, the park in Baroda where in 1918,
Dr.Ambedkar had found himself and resolved to fight for Dalit rights, after
being humiliated and evicted from a Parsi inn. ...
Sushila Prajapati, is a feminist
activist from Ahmedabad who has worked for years on cultural practices and
gender discrimination.
Jyoti Jagtap from cultural troupe
Kabir Kala Manch was also a part of the march in Una. Three members from KKM
have been in prison as undertrials for over three years now....
Ravindra Yadav from the CPI ML is
from Arwal in Bihar, where the Laxmanpur-Bathe massacre had taken place in
1997, when the Ranveer Sena murdered 58 landless Dalits....
Rama Naga and Pradeep Narwal from
JNU had given short rousing speeches to a cheering crowd. A large group of
young boys behind me screamed in protest when the microphone was taken away
from Rama Naga. ‘We will implement the Una Model all over India!’ he had said
to rousing applause.
Javed Iqbal noted:
The effect of the month long
agitation is sometimes easily visible on the roadside. This carcass was found
on the way from Hemal to Thimbi and had been on the roadside for days. (see photo below)
Manoj Manzil, RYA Bihar President
wrote about the Asmita Yatra:
We’ve seen the spark of
awakening, revolt and resistance of the Dalits, the poor and oppressed
challenge the feudal forces in Bihar, braving massacres and feudal reaction.
Now we’re seeing that spark ignite a social revolution in the hostile terrain
of Gujarat, where feudal oppression is compounded by communal-fascist political
hegemony. The Dalit Asmita Yatra that moved from village to village in South
Gujarat was a display of Dalit unity and assertion, of Muslim and Dalit unity –
a resounding exposure of Modi’s much-touted ‘Gujarat model’ and a revolt in the
RSS’ own Hindutva laboratory against Brahminism and the Sangh Parivar’s
communal and casteist politics.
The slogan that hurts and
challenges the communal and casteist forces, especially the Sangh Parivar, the
most is ‘Dalit Muslim Bhai Bhai, Milkar Chhedo Nayee Ladayee” (Dalits and
Muslims are brothers, together let’s wage a new struggle).
From village to village, Dalits
took the pledge not to dispose of cow or animal carcasses, not to enter gutters
or dispose of human excreta – in short, never to do the demeaning work that the
stinking Brahminical caste system has assigned to them.
When the yatra reached Hemal
village in Amreli district and we were resting after our meal, I spoke to a
young Dalit agricultural worker Ramesh Parmar. He said, “We have to take our
own plates and glasses to the fields, because the dominant caste farmers won’t
give us food or water in their vessels. Dalits are not allowed into temples in
our village. Even in social functions in the village, the dominant castes are
served food separately from us. We are made to feel as though we’re not
human.”
The
Yatra from Ahmedabad to Una covered 350 kilometres, crossing four districts of
Ahmedabad, Botad, Amreli, and Gir-Somnath, stopping at many villages where the
marchers were welcomed with flowers by young people, children, women and aged
folk, who would then join the Yatra for a part of the journey. Activists from
the yatra addressed public gatherings at many places. Wherever the RYA and
CPI(ML) activists spoke, we told the gathering about the struggles for land,
dignity and rights waged by the oppressed in Bihar, with red flags in their
hands. We spoke of the need for unity between Left and Ambedkarite movements.
Hailing the slogan of Gujarat’s Dalits “Lath lekar jayenge, zameen khaali
karayenge”, we spoke about the struggles in Bihar where Dalits and other
oppressed people freed ceiling surplus and gair mazarua land and redistributed
it – defending it in the face of feudal guns. Dozens of villages like
Charugram, Dr Nirmal Gram, and Sona Tola were settled in this manner, where
Dalits today live and cultivate fields. Even now, the CPI(ML) MLA from Darauli
(Siwan), Satyadev Ram, as well as the RYA National President Amarjit Kushwaha
are in jail today because of one such struggle, where Dalits who freed land
illegally grabbed by Brahmins and built their homes on it, defended themselves
against goons who fired at them in presence of the police.
One question that all are asking
is: the Gujarat Government is so eager to give lands to Ambani, Adani and Tata,
why not to landless Dalits? Landless Dalits in Gujarat have officially been
allotted 1,63,808 acres of land, and there are some 50,000 acres of bhoodan
land also, but these are all mostly still under control of the dominant Patel
or Darbar castes, and the landless Dalits are yet to get possession of them.
In Gujarat, the conviction rate
in Prevention of Atrocity Act cases is six times lower than the national
average. The NCRB data of 2014 shows that the national conviction rate is 28.8%
- while the conviction rate in Gujarat is an even more pitiful 3.4%. This data
shows the true face of the Gujarat model. Impunity is infectious: where crimes
against Muslims enjoy open impunity and patronage, where power openly boasts of
its crimes, can Dalits expect justice?
After the rally, CPI(ML) PB
member Kavita Krishnan and I joined Tushar Parmar and Abhishek Parmar to visit
the families of the three Dalit youth of Thangadh village - Pankaj Sumra, 17,
Mehul Rathod, 16, and Prakash Parmar, 27 - who had been shot dead by police in
2012. The Dalits of Thangadh had been resisting an attack by the dominant
Darbars – but the police fired on the Dalit victims not the aggressors, killing
them in cold blood. The post mortem showed bullets to the chest – clearly
firing wasn't intended to disperse the crowd but to kill for daring to
challenge casteist violence. The families of the victims were on dharna and
hunger strike at Gandhinagar, protesting against the closure report filed by
the police in the case, and demanding that the report of a one-man enquiry
commission, that had been submitted in 2013, be made public immediately.
But Una has truly given the
country another ‘Gujarat model’ – a model of Dalit awakening and struggle, of
Dalit-Muslim unity, of giving up demeaning work and struggling for land and
dignified livelihood instead. This spark is becoming a wildfire, spreading
across the country, delivering a body blow to communal fascism.
Jignesh Mevani's Speech At Una
Below are excerpts from Jignesh
Mevani’s speech at the Una Azaadi Rally:
Friends,
Modi did not open his mouth just like that. When the power of the oppressed and
the poor came in full force on to the streets of Ahmedabad and Gujarat, they
feared that the same cow-mother’s tail might become a noose for the BJP. So
Modi said “if you have to shower bullets, shower them on me, spare the Dalits!”
We want to ask Modi — When in Thangadh village of Surendranagar district of
Gujarat, in 2012, police gunned down 3 young dalit boys with AK-47s, like
terrorists, did you then say “Don’t shower bullets on them, shower bullets on
me” at that time ? We will not fall for Hindutva tricks and deceptions any
more. That is why we are saying, “Modi, keep the cow’s tail for yourself, give
us our land).” Give us land, give us the start-ups you keep talking about –
because we won’t do dirty jobs any more.
Many
years ago, Babasaheb had asked us to stop removal of dead carcass or cleaning
sewers as occupations. Today, this is a struggle for self-respect and dignity.
Stand up with me to take the vow:
We,
the people from the Dalit community of Gujarat, from the grounds of Una vow,
that after today, never in our lives, will not dispose of dead carcasses, will
not work in manual scavenging; and instead, place the following demands in
front of the government– that every Dalit family in Gujarat be alloted 5-acres
of agricultural land each.
If
within 30 days – by September 15th - the Gujarat government does not start the
process of allotment of agricultural land, then we will start Rail Roko
Andolan.
Wherever
we have marched, our muslim comrades have welcomed and encouraged us
wholeheartedly. Let us give a hand for them!
Friends,
it has been a great weakness of the Dalit resistance movement that we did not
take along and fight for the Valmiki community when we fought for our
liberation. So, in whichever village we went as part of the march, I have been
saying that if I had two sisters, I would have been very happy if I one of them
could be married to a Valmiki and the other to a Muslim.
Dalits
of the world unite! Workers of the world unite! Women of the world unite!
One
of the 10 demands we have placed in front of the government is that the
1,20,000 cases under Forest Rights Acts filed by our Adivasi brothers and
sisters be resolved.
I
have also just learned that the Gujarat government has removed the Consent
Clause from the new Land Bill. Which means, agricultural land can now be
snatched away from farmers without their consent. Is this acceptable to us?
(the gathering responded with a unanimous ‘No!’)
Social
Impact Assessment and Environmental Impact Assessment requirements have also
been removed. The Dalit movement, workers’ and farmers’ movements will join
hands in our call for Rail Roko.
Friends
if we do Rail Roko, do understand that you might be jailed. Are you ready? (the
gathering responded with an enthusiastic ‘yes’).
We
will fight till we win. Jai Bhim! Inquilab Zindabad!
Oppression of Dalits in Gujarat
In an
attempt to understand the roots of Dalit oppression and resistance in Gujarat,
the AIPF team interacted with activists of the Navsarjan Trust that been
documenting such oppression and raising issues of Dalits for long. The AIPF
team also spoke with well-known sociologist Ghanshyam Shah, activist and
intellectual Achyut Yagnik, as well as Shalini Randeria, a social
anthropologist now based in Vienna, who has extensively researched Dalit
communities in Gujarat.
We
reproduce some pertinent observations here.
A study
by the Navsarjan Trust, titled “Understanding Untouchability: A Comprehensive
Study of Practices and Conditions in 1,589 villages”, conducted in Gujarat
between 2007-2010, had painstakingly documented evidence of widespread
untouchability, tacitly approved and encouraged by the Government, in 98% of
the villages. These included untouchability in public health centres, public
water facilities, mid-day meals, sitting arrangement in government schools and
panchayat offices. Navsarjan activists say that these findings were submitted
by them to the government – but the Gujarat Government remained in denial mode.
To counter the Navsarjan findings, the Gujarat sponsored a report by the Centre
for Environment Planning and Technology University which claimed, based on a
study of five villages, that untouchability was no longer an issue in Gujarat!
This
denial has practical consequences. Ghanshyam Shah points out that Gujarat ranks
fourth in the country in Dalit atrocities – yet the Gujarat government has
violated the law that requires a dedicated court to hear atrocity cases; and
investigation of such cases by a DSP-level or higher police official; and
mandatory twice-a-year meetings of the high-power vigilance and monitoring
committee for the implementation of the Act.
Ghanshyam
Shah noted that in the Una atrocity, the ‘cow-protectors’ forced a Muslim boy
to join them in thrashing the Dalits - to prove that Muslims are anti-beef. It
is in this context that the ‘Dalit Muslim Bhai Bhai’ slogan raised by the Dalit
uprising in Gujarat has such an important resonance. Shah pointed out that in
his book ‘Social Harmony’ (Samajik Samrasta), Narendra Modi specifically argued
against the ‘Dalit-Muslim Bhai Bhai’ slogan.
Shah
observed that while the Patidars (Patels) are landed, the Darbars (descendants
of feudal Kshatriya landlords) no longer have that much control over land. But
the Darbars’ sense of feudal pride rests on a display of aggression and
violence against Dalits.
Shah
says that the Patidars have a history of anti-Dalit reaction – which came to
the fore in the anti-reservation protests of 1981 and 1985. In 1981, the
Patidars began the anti-quota agitation in a medical college. Note far from
Ahmedabad, a Dalit who demanded land and wages was hanged in a panchayat
office. In 1985 the Patidars’ anti-quota agitation against targeted Dalits. But
even in the 1980s, there had been attempts to communalise and incite Dalits –
who were resisting the anti-quota stir - against Muslims.
Shah
points out that 10-12% of Dalits in Gujarat have a college education – but the
model of jobless growth means that there are no jobs for these youth. The
latest round of Patidar agitation that emerged as a demand for reservation (a
re-articulation of the earlier openly anti-quota position) also took root in
the climate of jobless growth in Gujarat.
Achyut
Yagnik said it was especially significant that the Dalit protests and the mass
of Dalit participation in the protests had come from rural South Gujarat,
especially Saurashtra – fortress of the worst kind of feudalism. Also, that
these protests had spread to North Gujarat and even to Modi’s home town.
Yagnik
points out that Dalits who are a mere 7% in Gujarat, do not command any
political clout. In neighbouring Maharashtra, Dalit poetry had heralded Dalit
Panthers. In Gujarat, the Dalit Panthers was formed, and later there were some
attempts to publish Dalit writing.
The
Patels who were tenant farmers, were the main beneficiaries of land reform in
Saurashtra, and emerged as landowners, becoming economically powerful by
cultivating cash crops like groundnut and cotton. They later set up SMEs (small
and medium industries) on the land. That is why Patidars are resentful not only
of jobless growth but also of the Gujarat Government’s wooing of big capital at
the cost of SMEs.
The
Patidars used to be part of the Congress votebank. When the Congress adopted
the KHAM formula – Kshatriya-Harijan-Adivasi-Muslim – in 1985 the Patidars were
‘left out’ and this politically influential community supported the BJP.
Yagnik
said that the Dalit middle class in Gujarat, till now, had largely aimed at
assimilation not assertion. To assert their identity they would join a Hindu
sect – the Swaminarayana Sect or the Asaram sect for instance – and this was
usually the first step towards assimilation in Hindutva politics. At various
places, Dalits had been foot soldiers of the RSS in the communal mobs that
attacked Muslims in 2002.
Yagnik
said that the ‘division of labourers’ that Ambedkar spoke of is visible even
amongst Dalits. Dalits in Gujarat are stratified into seven communities – the
unity of these communities in the present movement is most significant. Among
Dalits, the ‘Garo’ community are the ones who perform the Brahmins’ tasks
within the
Dalit
community – such as presiding over weddings. Vankars (weavers) comprise 48% of
the Dalits in Gujarat, while Chamars (tanners) comprise 24%, and the remaining
25-27% comprise Bhangis (Valmikis).
Yagnik
points out that weavers in several other states are not Dalits – in Gujarat
they are counted among Dalits. One possible explanation of this could lie in
the fact that the weavers in Gujarat eat the meat of the dead cow. (See
Liberation, August 2016 for excerpts from Ambedkar’s treatise ‘The Untouchables
- Who Were They And Why They Became Untouchables ?’, on the connections between
the dead cow and being Dalit).
Shalini
Randeria told us that during her research in rural Gujarat, she found that the
weavers and Chamars would drag the carcass of the dead cow, a task that
required strength and also skill (to keep the hide undamaged). The skinning
would be done by the Chamars. The meat would be divided amongst Dalits in an
hierarchy that mirrored or mimicked the varnashrama classification: i.e the top
parts of the cow would go to the top-most among Dalits; the lowest parts to the
lowest among Dalits, etc. Carcasses of horned and hoofed animals would be
disposed of by the Vankars and Chamars, while Valmikis could only dispose of
the bodies of lower/lesser animals – dogs, cats etc. In the jajmani system, the
Dalit families had feudal ties with the families of the upper castes. The
ultimate pollution was reserved for those who dealt with the human dead body.
But the younger generation had already begun to give up these traditional
occupations due to stigma.
Ranberia
said that during her research she was intrigued to come across a large number
of words used only by Dalits – words that did not find mention in the Gujarati
dictionary at all. These words related to instruments of skinning or tanning,
terms to describe specific forms of kinship peculiar to Dalits, and so on.
Socio-Economic Emancipation Vs Modi-RSS 'Social
Harmony'
Modi’s
book ‘Social Harmony’ – Samajik Samrasta – is an elaboration of the RSS notion
of ‘harmony’. In that book, Modi says “Samar nahin, samrasta” – that is, “not
war but harmony”. He says, don’t talk of breaking society, talk of reforming
distortions in Hindu society and uniting Hindu society. In harnessing Ambedkar
to this agenda, he maliciously suppresses Ambedkar’s call to annihilate caste,
misrepresenting Ambedkar’s agenda as one of uniting Hindu society.
In this
book, one passage is especially relevant in the context of the
Una-inspired movement of Dalits that is
demanding land. Modi approvingly narrates the story of ‘Vir Meghmaya’ (a Dalit
saint of Gujarat, who sacrificed his life to bring water to a cursed stepwell
and a parched kingdom. In return, he is said to have demanded that his
community of Dalits be allowed to live within the villages rather than in
segregated hamlets.) Modi, speaking of Meghmaya’s demands made of the king in
exchange for his life, writes, “He demanded the facility of worshipping the
Tulsi and the Pipal tree…. We may think of asking for a two-acre plot of land
so that our children may be prosperous. Vir Meghmaya did not raise any demand
for his personal or material benefit. In fact, he thought about the happiness
of the entire society. …it was his thought to integrate the entire Hindu
community… The very thought that my community should not get detached from the
cultural mainstream which came to Dr Ambedkar in the 20th century, in fact
first came to mind of Vir Meghmaya nearly a thousand years ago.”
So Modi
is specifically telling Dalits here – you should demand the right to worship
what Hindus worship, not demand land and other material benefits! The Dalits of
Gujarat don’t seem to be listening, however.
This is
a familiar theme with Modi: at the 6th convocation of the Babasaheb Bhimrao
Ambedkar University in January, he praised Ambedkar for suffering humiliation
without complaint.
To
compare Ambedkar the radical with a Dalit figure who is said to have died to
benefit his oppressors, and who bartered his life for his community’s
integration with Hindu society, is a travesty. But Modi has no qualms about
committing this travesty with Ambedkar’s ideas.
Modi’s
book is full of slurs against Muslims: he is telling Dalits to remain within
the Hindu fold, not convert to Islam, and he is blaming Islamic ‘invasions’ for
the worst of the caste system!
What are
Modi’s thoughts on inter-caste marriage? In a speech given in Rajkot in 2004,
reproduced in the book ‘Social Harmony’, Modi expounds the rationale for
inter-caste marriages in terms that rationalise the caste-based division of
labour: “In the past, there used to be the consideration of economics behind
sticking to marriages within the same caste. Suppose the daughter of a potter
marries a potter, she doesn’t need to learn how to knead the clay.” Why should
the potter’s family have had to do the work of making pots down the generations?
Why should this occupation be based on birth at all? Why should the daughter of
a potter – or the daughter of the priest - not decide who she would like to
marry? Modi, rather than asking these questions, gives a spurious economic
rationale for the social oppressions of caste and gender. Modi continues,
“Things have changed now… It was fine to think about marriages only within the
community about 15-20 years ago. But the situation is different today and we
must accept the change wholesomely, wholeheartedly.”
Ambedkar advocated inter-caste
marriages in his own day, even before India became independent, as did various
other groups who were his contemporaries. Yet here we have someone who is today
India’s PM, saying that in his opinion, inter-caste marriage was not justified
till the 1980s! Needless to say, Modi is silent on inter-faith marriage: in his
book on ‘social harmony’, Muslims figure only as enemies and rapists of Hindus.
Muslims or Christians are not included in the embrace of ‘social harmony’ as
defined by the man who is today India’s PM: for Modi, ‘society’ is Hindu
society, India is Hindu India, ‘we’ are always Hindus, ‘they’ are always
Muslims.
The ‘we’ in the book also stands for
savarna Hindus. It repeatedly exhorts ‘us’ to speak kindly to those who perform
menial tasks for us, those who clean ‘our’ homes. There is never a breath to
suggest that the Dalits require emancipation from these occupations and
equality, not condescension!
The ongoing uprising in Gujarat that is
spreading all over India is a slap in the face of this social vision of
communal hatred and caste hierarchy masquerading as ‘harmony’.
